OLD-SOOTH LECTUEES 



18 9 8 



THE OLD WORLD IN THE NEW 



V'AR DEPARTMENT LIBRARY 












Ct^ 2* 




lilar ^epartmimt. 



Accession No. 




THE 



OLD SOUTH LEAFLETS. 






SIXTEENTH SERIES. 



BOSTON: 
OLD SOUTH MEETIXG-HOUSE. 
189S. 
Monojrraph 



By transfer 

JAN 15 1916 






INTRODUCTION. 



The Old South Leaflets were prepared primarily for circulation 
among the attendants upon the Old South Lectures for Young People. 
The subjects of the Leaflets are immediately related to the subjects of the 
lectures, and they, are intended to supplement the lectures and stimulate 
historical interest and inquiry among the young people. They are made 
up, for the most part, from original papers of the periods treated in the 
lectures, in the hope to make the men and the public life of the periods 
more clear and real. 

The Old South Lectures for Young People were instituted in the sum- 
mer of 1883, as a means of promoting a, more serious and intelligent atten- 
tion to historical studies, especially studies in American history among the 
young people of Boston. The success of the lectures has been so great as 
to warrant the hope that such courses may be "'sustained in many other 
cities of the country. 

The Old South Lectures for 1883, intended to be strictly upon subjects 
in early Massachusetts Plistory, but by certain necessities somewhat modi- 
fied, were as follows: "Governor Bradford and Oovernor Winthrop," 
by Edwin D. Mead. " Plymouth," by Mrs. A. M. Dla.z. " Concord," 
by Frank B. Sanborn. " The Town-meeting," by Prof. James K. 
HosMER. " Franklin, the Boston Boy," by George M. Towle. " How 
to study America* Histoi "' by Prof. G. Stam\ey Hall. "The Year 
^777" by John i ^iKE. '-tory in the Bos<^ ^n Streets," by P^dward 

Everett Hale. The L eis prepared in connection with these lectures 
consisted of (i) Cotton M cher's account of Governor Bradford, from the 
" Magnalia " ; (2) the acco- nt of the arrival of the Pilgrims at Cape Cod 
from Bradford's Journal; (3) an extract from Emerson's Concord Address 
in 1S35; '4) extracts from Emerson, Samuel Adams, De Tocqueville, and 
others, upon the Town-meeting; (5) a portion of Franklin's Autobiogra- 
phy; (6) Carlyle on the Study of History; (7) an extract from Charles 
Sumner's oration upon Lafayette, etc.; (8) Emerson's poem, "Boston." 

The lecaires for 1884 were devoted to men representative of certain 
epochs or ideas in the history of Boston, as follows : " Sir Harry Vane, in 
New England and in Old England," by Edward Everett Hale, Jr. 
"John Harvard, and the Founding of Harvard College," by Edward 
Channing, Ph.D. "The Mather Family, and the Old Boston Ministers," 
by Rev. Samuel J. Barrows. " Simon Bradstreet, and the Struggle for 
the Charter," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " Samuel Adams and the 
Beginning of the Revolution," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. " Josiah 
Quincy, the Great Mayor," by Charles W. Slack. "Daniel Webster, 
the Defender of the Constitution," by Charles C. Coffin. " John A: 
Andrew, the great War Governor," by Col. T. W. Higginson. The 
Leaflets prepared in connection with the second course were as follows : 
(i) Selections from Forster's essay on Vane, etc.; {2) an extract from 
Cotton Mather's "Sal Gentium"; (3) Increase Mather's "Narrative of 
the Miseries of New England"; (4) an original account of " The Revolu- 
tion in New England" in 1689; (5) a letter from Samuel Adams to John 



Adams, on Republican (Government; (6) extracts from Josiah Quincy's 
Boston Address of 1830; (7) Words of Webster; (8) a portion of Gover- 
nor Andrew's Address to the Massachusetts Legislature in January, 1861. 

The lectures for 1885 were upon " The War for the Union," as follows : 
"Slavery," by William Lloyd Garrison, Jr. "The Fall of Sumter," 
by Col. T. W. Higginson. "The Monitor and the Merrimac," by 
Charlks C. Coffin. "The Battle of (Gettysburg," by Col. Theodore 
A. DoDGK. "Sherman's March to the Sea," by Gen. William Cogswell. 
"The Sanitary Commission," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Abraham 
Lincoln," by Hon. John D. Long. "General Grant," by Charles C. 
Coffin. The Leaflets accompanying these lectures were as follows : (i) 
Lowell's " Present Crisis," and (Garrison's Salutatory in the Liberator of 
January i, 1S31 ; (2) extract from Henry Ward Beecher's oration at Fort 
Sumter in 1865; (3) contemporary newspaper accounts of the engagement 
between the Monitor and the Merrimac; {4) extract from Edward Everett's 
address at the consecration of the National Cemetery at Gettysburg, with 
President Lnicoln's address; (5) extract from General Sherman's account 
of the March to the Sea, in his Memoirs ; (6) Lowell's " Commemoration 
Ode"; (7) extract from Lincoln's First Inaugural Address, the Emanci- 
pation Proclamation, and the Second Inaugural Address; (8) account of 
the service in memory of (General Grant, in Westminster Abbey, with Arch- 
deacon Farrar's address. 

The lectures for 1886 were upon "The War for Independence," as 
follows: "Samuel Adams and Patrick Henry," by Edwin U. Mead. 
"Bunker Hill, and the News in England," by John Fiske. "The Declara- 
tion of Independence," by James MacAllister. "The Times that tried 
Men's Souls," by Alrert B. Hart, Ph.D. " Lafayette, and Help from 
France," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. "The Women of the Revolu- 
tion," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Washington and his Generals," 
by George M. Towm^e. "The Lessons of the Revolution for these 
Times," by Rev. Brooke Herford. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) 
Words of Patrick Henry; (2) Lord Chatham's. Speech, urging the removal 
of the British troops from Boston ; (3) extract from Webster's oration on 
Adams and Jefferson ; (4) Thomas Paine's " Crisis," No. i ; (5) extract 
from T dward Everett's eulogy on Lafayette ; (6) selections from the Letters 
of Abigail Adams; (7) Lowell's "Under the Old Elm"; (8) extract from 
Whipple's essay on " Washington and the Principles of the Revolution." 

The course for the summer of 18S7 was upon " The Birth of the 
Nation," as follows : " How the men of the English Commonwealth planned 
Constitutions," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. " How the American Colo- 
nies grew together," by John Fiske. "The Confusion after the Revolu- 
tion," by Davis R. Dewey, Ph.D. " The Convention and the Constitu- 
tion," by Hon. John D. Long. "James Madison and his Journal," by 
Prof. l*",. B. Andrews. "How Patrick Henry opposed the Constitution," 
by Hknky L. Southwick. "Alexander Hamilton and the Federalist:' 
" Washington's Part and the Nation's first Years," by Edward E\erett 
Hale. The Leaflets prepared for these lectures were as follows: (r) 
Extract from TMward Everett Hale's lecture on " Puritan Politics in 
England and New England"; (2) "The English Colonies in America," 
extract from De Tocqueville's "Democracy in America"; {3) Wash- 
ington's Circular Letter to the Governors of the States on Disbanding 
the Army; {4) the Constitution of the llnited States; (5) "The Last Day 
of the Constitutional Convention," from Madison's Journal ; (6) Patrick 



Henry's First Speech against tlie Constitution, in the Virginia Convention; 
(7) the Federalist, No. IX.; (8) Washington's First Inaugural Address. 

The course for the summer of i8S8 had the general title of " The Story 
of the Centuries," the several lectures being as follows : " The Great Schools 
after the Dark Ages," by Ephraim Emerton, Professor of History in 
Harvard University. " Richard the Lion-hearted and the Crusades," by 
Miss Nina Moore, author of " Pilgrims and Puritans." " The World 
which Dante knew," by Shattuck O. Hartwell, Old South first prize 
essayist, 1S83. "The Morning Star of the Reformation," by Rev. Philip 
S. MoxoM. " Copernicus and Columbus, or the New Heaven and the 
New Earth," by Prof. Edward S. Morse. "The People for whom 
Shakespeare wrote," by Charles Dudley Warner. " The Puritans and 
the English Revolution," by Charles H. Levermore, Professor of His- 
tory in the Massachusetts Institute of Technology. " Lafayette and the 
Two Revolutions which he saw," by George Makepeace Towle. 

The Old South Lectures are devoted primarily to American history. 
But it is a constant aim to impress upon the young people the relations of 
our own history to English and general European history. It was hoped 
that the glance at some striking chapters in the history of the last eight 
centuries afforded by these lectures would be a good preparation for the 
great anniversaries of 1S89, and give the young people a truer feeling of 
the continuity of history. In connection with the lectures the young 
people were requested to fix in mind the following dates, observing that in 
most instances the date comes about a decade before the close of the cen- 
tury. An effort was made in the Leaflets for the year to make dates, 
which are so often dull and useless to young people, interesting, significant, 
and useful. — nth Century: Lanfranc, the great mediaeval scholar, who 
studied law at Bologna, was prior of the monastery of Bee, the most famous 
school in France in the lith century, and archbishop of Canterbury under 
William the Conqueror, died io8g. 12th Cent.: Richard I. crowned 
ii8g. 13th Cent.: Dante, at the battle of Campaldino, the final overthrow 
of the Ghibellines in Italy, 1289. 14th Cent.: Wyclif die<r., 1384. 15th 
Cent.: America discovered, 1492. i6th Cent.: Spanish Armada, 1588. 
17th Cent. : William of Orange lands in England, 1688. i8th Cent. : 
Washington inaugurated, and the Bastile fell, 1789. The Old :Soutk 
Leaflets for 1888, corresponding with the several lectures, were as follows : 
(i) " The Early History of Oxford," from Green's " History of the English 
People,"; (2) "Richard Coeur de Lion and the Third Crusade," from the 
Chronicle of Geoffrey de Vinsauf; (3) "The Universal Empire," passages 
from Dante's De Monarchia ; (4) " The Sermon on the Mount," Wyclif's 
translation; {5) "Copernicus and the Ancient Astronomers," from Hum- 
boldt's " Cosmos " ; (6) " The Defeat of the Spanish Armada," from Cam- 
den's "Annals"; (7) "The Bill of Rights," 16S9 ; (8) " The Eve of the 
French Revolution," from Carlyle. The selections are accompanied by 
very full historical and bibliographical notes, and it is hoped that the 
series will prove of much service to students and teachers engaged in 
the general survey of modern history. 

The year 1889 being the centennial both of the beginning of our own 
Federal government and of the French Revolution, the lectures for the 
year, under the general title of " America and France," were devoted en- 
tirely to subjects in which the history of America is related to that of 
France as follows: " Champlain, the Founder of Quebec," by Charles 
Cr Coffin. " La Salle and the French in the Great West," by Rev. 



W. E. Griffis. "The Jesuit Missionaries in America," by Prof. Jamks 
K. HosMEK. "Wolfe and Montcalm: The Struggle of England and 
France for the Continent," by John Fiske. " Franklin in France," 
by George M. Towle. " The Friendship of Washington and Lafayette," 
by Mrs. Abba Goold Woolson. "Thomas Jefferson and the Louisiana 
Purchase," by Roi;ert Morss Lovett, Old South prize essayist, 1888. 
"The Year 1789," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale. The Leaflets for 
the year were as follows : (i) Verrazzano's account of his Voyage to Amer- 
ica ; (2) Marquette's account of his Discovery of the Mississippi; (3) Mr. 
Parkman's Histories ; (4) the Capture of Quebec, from Parkman's " Con- 
spiracy of Pontiac"; (5) selections from P^anklin's Letters from France; 
(6) Letters of Washington and Lafayette; (7) the Declaration of Lide- 
pendence ; (8) the French Declaration of the Rights of Man, 1789. 

The lectures for the summer of 1890 were on "The American Indians," 
as follows : " The Mound P>uilders," by Prof. George H. Perkins. " The 
Indians whom our Fathers Found," by Gen. H. B. Carrington. "John 
Eliot and his Indian lUble," by Rev. Edward G. Porter. " King Philip's 
War," by Miss Caroline C. Stecker, Old South prize essayist, 1889. 
"The Conspiracy of Pontiac," by Charles A.. Eastman, M.D., of the 
Sioux nation. " A Century of Dishonor," by Herbert Welsh. " Among 
the Zuiiis," by J. Walter Fewkes, Ph.D. " The Indian at School," by 
Gen. S. C. Armstrong. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) extract from 
address by William Henry Harrison on the Mound Puilders of the Ohio 
Valley ; (2) extract from Morton's " New English Canaan " on the Manners 
and Customs of the Indians ; (3) John Eliot's " Brief Narrative of the Prog- 
r • of the Gospel among the Indians of New England," 1670; (4) extract 
fi .1 '^bard's " Narrative of the Troubles with the Indians " (1677) on 

the ming of King Philip's War; (5) the Speech of Pontiac at the 

Council at the River Ecorces, from Parkman's " Conspiracy of Pontiac " ; 
(6) extract from Black Hawk's autobiography, on the cause of the Black 
Hawk War; (7) Coronado's Letter to Mendoza (1540) on his Explorations 
in New Mexico; (8) Eleazar Wheelock's Narrative {1762) of the Rise and 
Progress of the Indian School at Lebanon, Conn. 

The lectures for 1891, under the general title of "The New Birth of the 
W^orld," were devoted to the important movements in the age preceding 
the discovery of America, the several lectures being as follows: "The 
Results of the Crusades," by F. E. E. Hamilton, Old South prize essay- 
ist, 1883. " The Revival of Learning," by Prof. Albert B. Hart. " The 
Builders of the Cathedrals," by Prof. Marshall S. Snow. " The Changes 
which Gunpowder made," by Frank A. Hill. "The Decline of the 
Barons," by W^illiam Everett. " The Invention of Printing," by Rev. 
1m)WARD G. Porter. " When Michel Angelo was a Boy," by Hamlin 
Garland. " The Discovery of America," by Rev. E. E. Hale. The 
Leaflets were as follows: (i) "The Capture of Jerusalem by the Cru- 
saders," from the Chronicle of William of Malmesbury ; (2) extract from 
More's "Utopia"; (3) " The Founding of Westminster Abbey," from 
Dean Stanley's " Historical Memorials of Westminster Abbey " ; (4) " The 
Siege of Constantinople," from Gibbon's " Decline and Fall of the Roman 
Empire"; (5) "Simon de Montfort," selections from Chronicles of the 
time ; (6) " Caxton at Westminster," extract from Blade's Life of William 
Caxton; (7) "The Youth of Michel Angelo," from Vasari's " Lives of the 
Italian Painters " ; (8) " The Discovery of America," from Ferdinand Colum- 
bus's life of his father. 



7 

The lectures for 1892 were upon "The Discovery of America," as fol- 
lows : "What Men knew of the World before Columbus," by Prof. 
Edward S. Morse. " Leif Erikson and the Northmen," by Rev. Edward 
A. HoRTON. "Marco Polo and his liook," by Mr. O. \N . Uimmick, 
"The Story of Columbus," by Mrs. Mary A. Livermore. " Americus 
Vespucius and the Early Books about America," by Rev. E. G. Porter. 
"Cortes and Pizarro," by Prof. Chas. H. Levermore. " De Soto and 
Ponce de Leon," by Miss Ruth Ballou W^hittemore, Old South prize 
essayist, 1891. " Spain, France, and England in America," by Mr. John 
FiSKE. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Strabo's Introduction to Geog- 
raphy; (2) The Voyages to Vinland, from the Saga of Eric the Red; (3) 
Marco Polo's account of Japan and Java; (4) Columbus's Letter to 
Gabriel Sanchez, describing his First Voyage; (5) Amerigo Vespucci's 
account of his First Voyage; (6) Cortes's account of the City of Mexico; 
(7) the Death of De Soto, from the " Narrative of a Gentleman of 
Elvas " ; (S) Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 

The lectures for 1893 were upon " The Opening of the Great West," as 
follows: "Spain and France in the Great West," by Rev. William 
Elliot Griffis. " The North-west Territory and the Ordinance of 1787," 
by John M. Merriam. " Washington's Work in Opening the West," by 
Edwin D. Mead. " Marietta and the Western Reserve," by Miss Lucy 
W. WarrExN, Old South prize essayist, 1S92. " How the Great West was 
settled," by Charles C. Coffin. "Lewis and Clarke and the Explorers 
of the Rocky Mountains," by Rev. Thomas Van Ness. " California and 
Oregon," by Prof. Josiah Royce. " The Story of Chicago," by Mrs. 
Mary A. Livermore. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) De Vaca's 
account of his Journey to New Mexico, 1535; (2) Manasseh Cutler's De^ 
scription of Ohio, 1787 ; (3) W^ashington's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 
1770; (4) Garfield's Address on the North-west Territory and the Western 
Reserve; (5) George Rogers Clark's account of the Capture of Vincennes, 
1779; (6) Jefferson's Life of Captain Meriwether Lewis; (7) Fremont's 
account of his Ascent of^ Fremont's Peak; (8} Father Marquette at Chi- 
cago, 1673. 

The lectures for 1894 were upon "The Founders of New England," as 
follows : " W^illiam Brewster, the Elder of Plymouth," by Rev. Edward 
Everett Hale. " William Bradford, tl;ie Governor of Plymouth," by 
Rev. William Elliot Griffis. " John Winthrop, the Governor of 
Massachusetts," by Hon. Frederic T. Greenhalge. "John Harvard, 
and the Founding of Harvard College," by Mr. William R. Thayer. 
" John Eliot, the Apostle to the Indians," by Rev. James De Normandie. 
" John Cotton, the Minister of Boston," by Rev. John Cotton Brooks. 
" Roger Williams, the Fotuider of Rhode Island," by President E. 
P>enjamin Andrews. " Thomas Hooker, the Founder of Connecticut," 
by Rev. Joseph H. Twichell. The Leaflets were as follows : (i) Bradr 
ford's Memoir of Elder Brewster; (2) Bradford's First Dialogue; (3) 
Winthrop's Conclusions for the Plantation in New England ; (4) New 
England's First Fruits, 1643; (5) John Eliot's Indian Grammar Begun; 
(6) John Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation"; (7) Letters of 
Roger W^illiams to W^inthrop ; (8) Thomas Hooker's "Way of the 
Churches of New England." 

The lectures for 1895 were upon " The Puritans in Old England," as 
follows: "John Hooper, the First Puritan," by Edwin D. Mead; " Cam- 
bridge, the Puritan University," by William Everett; "Sir John Eliot 



and the Plouse of Commons," by Prof. Ali?ert 1>, Hart; "John Hamp- 
den and the Ship Money," by Rk.v. F. W. Gunsaulus; "John Pym and 
the Grand Remonstrance," by Rev\ John Cuckson ; *' Oliver Cromwell 
and the Commonwealth," by Rev. Edward Everett Hale; "John 
Milton, the Puritan Poet," by John Fiske ; "Henry Vane in Old England 
and New England," by Prof. James K. Hosmer. The Leaflets were as 
follows: (i) The English lUble, selections from the various versions; (2) 
Hooper's Letters to Pullinger; (3) Sir John Eliot's "Apology for Soc- 
rates"; (4) Ship-money Papers ; (5) Pym's Speech against Strafford; (6) 
Cromwell's vSecond Speech ; (7) Milton's " Free Commonwealth " ; (8) Sir 
Henry Vane's Defence. 

The lectures for 1896 were upon " The American Historians," as follows : 
" Pradford and Winthrop and their Journals," by Mr. Edwin D. Mead; 
"Cotton Mather and his ' Magnalia,' " by Prof. Barrett Wendell; 
"Governor Hutchinson and his History of Massachusetts," by Prof. 
Charles H. Levermore ; "Washington Irving and his Services for 
American History," by Mr. Richard Burton; "Bancroft and his His- 
tory of the United vStates," by Pres. Austin Scojt; " Prescott and his 
Spanish Histories," by Hon. Roger Wolcott; " Motley and his History 
of the Dutch Republic," by Rev. William Elliot Griffis; " Parkman 
and his Works on France in America," by Mr. John Fiske. The Leaflets 
were as follows: (i) Winthrop's " Little Speech " on Liberty; (2) Cotton 
Mather's " Bostonian Ebenezer," from the " Magnalia " ; (3) Governor 
Hutchinson's account of the Boston Tea Party ; (4) Adrian Van der 
Donck's Description of the New Netherlands in 1655; (5) '^ ^^^ Debate in 
the Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress ; (6) 
Columbus's Memorial to P^erdinand and Isabella, on his Second Voyage ; 
(7) The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581; (8) Captain John 
Knox's account of the Battle of Quebec. The last five of these eight 
Leaflets illustrate the original material in which Irving, Bancroft, Prescott, 
Motley, and Parkman worked in the preparation of their histories. 

The lectures for 1897 were upon "The Anti-slavery Struggle," as 
follows: " William Lloyd Garrison, or Anti-slavery in the Newspaper," by 
William Lloyd Garrison, Jr.; "Wendell Phillips, or Anti-slavery on 
the Platform," by Wendell Phillips Stafford; "Theodore Parker, 
or Anti-slavery in the Pulpit," by Re:v. Edward Everett Hale ; " John 
G. Whittier, or Anti-slavery in' the Poem," by Mrs. Alice Freeman 
Palmer ; " Harriet I^eecher Stowe, or Anti-slavery in the Story," by Miss 
Maria I.,. Baldwin; "Charles Sumner, or Anti-slavery in the Senate," 
by MooRFiELD Storey ; " John Brown, or Anti-slavery on the Scaffold," 
by Frank B. Sanborn; "Abraham Lincoln, or Anti-slavery Trium- 
phant," by Hon. John D. Long. The Leaflets w^ere as follows: (i) The 
First Number of The Liberator; (2) Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of 
Garrison ; (3) Theodore Parker's Address on the Dangers from Slavery ; 
(4) Whittier's account of the Anti-slavery Convention of 1833; (5) Mrs, 
Stowe's Story of "Uncle Tom's Cabin"; (6) Sumner's Speech on the 
Crime against Kansas; (7) Words of John 15rown ; (8) The Plrst Lincoln 
and Douglas Debate. 

The lectures for 1898 were upon " The Old World in the New," as 
follows: "What Spain has done for America," by Rev. Edward G. 
Porter; " What Italy has dore for America," by Rev. William Elliot 
Griffis ; " What Franco has done for America," by Prof. Jean Charle- 



iMAGNii Bracq; "What England has done for America," by Miss Kath- 
arine CoMAN; "What Ireland has done for America," by Prof. F. 
Spencer Baldwin; "What Holland has done for America," by Mr. 
Edwin D. Mead; "What Germany has done for America," by Miss 
Anna B. Thompson ; " What Scandinavia has done for America," by 
Mr. Joseph P. Warren. The Leaflets were as follows: (i) Account of 
the Founding of St. Augustine, by Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales; 
(2) Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his Third Voyage; (3) Champlain's Ac- 
count of the P'ounding of Quebec; (4) liarlowe's Account of the First 
Voyage to Roanoke; (5) Parker's Account of the Settlement of London- 
derry, N.IL ; (6) Juet's Account of the Discovery of the Hudson River; 
(7) Pastorius's Description of Pennsylvania, 1700: (8) Acrelius's Account 
of the Founding of New Sweden, 

The Old South Leaflets, which have been published during the last 
sixteen years, in connection with these annual courses of historical lect- 
ures at the Old South Meeting-house, have attracted so much attention 
and proved of so much service that the Directors have entered upon the 
publication of the Leaflets for general circulation, with the needs of schools, 
colleges, private clubs, and classes especially in mind. The Leaflets are 
prepared by Mr. Edwin D. Mead. They are largely reproductions of im- 
portant original papers, accompanied by useful historical and bibliographi- 
cal notes. They consist, on an average, of sixteen pages, and are sold at 
the low price of five cents a copy, or four dollars per hundred. The aim 
is to bring them within easy reach of everybody. The Old South Work, 
founded by Mrs. Mary Hemenway, and still sustained by provision of her 
will, is a work for the education of the people, and especially the education 
of our young people, in American history and politics; and its promoters 
believe that few things can contribute better to this end than the wide cir- 
culation of such leaflets as those now undertaken. It is hoped that pro- 
fessors in our colleges and teachers everywhere will welcome them for use 
in their classes, and that they may meet the needs of the societies of young 
men and women now happily being organized in so many places for histori- 
cal and political studies. Some idea of the character of these Old South 
Leaflets may be gained from the following list of the subjects of the first 
ninety-six numbers, which are now ready. It will be noticed that most of 
the later numbers are the same as certain numbers in the annual series. 
Since 1890 they are essentially the same, and persons ordering the Leaflets 
need simply observe the following numbers. 

No. 1. The Constitution of the United States. 2. The Articles of 
Confederation. 3. The Declaration of Independence. 4. Washington's 
Farewell Address. 5. Magna Charta. 6. Vane's " Healing Question." 
7. Charter of Massachusetts Bay, 1629. 8. Fundamental Orders of Con- 
necticut, 1638. 9. Franklin's Plan of Union, 1754. 10. Washington's 
Inaugurals. 11. Lincoln's Inaugurals and Iimancipation Proclamation. 
12. The Federalist, Nos. I and 2. 13. The Ordinance of 1787. 14. The 
Constitution of Ohio. 15. Washington's Circular Letter to the Gover- 
nors of the States, 1783. 16. Washington's Letter to Benjamin Harrison, 
1784. 17. Verrazzano's Voyage, 1524. 18. The Constitution of Swit- 
zerland. 19. The Bill of Rights, 1689. 20. Coronado's Letter to Men- 
doza, 1540. 21. Elioi's Brief Narrative of the Progress of the (Jospel 
among the Indians, 1670. 22. Wheelock's Narrative of the Rise of the 
Indian School at Lebanon, Conn., 1762. 23. The Petition of Rights, 1628. 



24. The (iraiul Remonstrance. 25. The Scottish National Covenants. 
26. The Agreement of the People. 27. The Instrument of Government. 
28. CromweH's First Speech to his Parliament. 29. The Discovery of 
America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus. 
30. Strabo's Introduction to Geography. 31. The Voyages to Vinland, 
fron^ the Saga of Fric the Red. 32. Marco Polo's Account of Japan and 
Java. 33. Columbus's Letter to Gabriel Sanchez, describing the First 
Voyage and discovery. 34. Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First 
Voyage. 35. Cortes's Account of the City of Mexico. 36. The Death 
of De Soto, from the " Narrative of a Gentleman of P^>lvas." 37. Farly 
Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots. 38. Henry Lee's Funeral Oration 
on Washington. 39. De Vaca's Account of his Joiirney to New Mexico, 
1535. 40. Manasseh Cutler's Description of Ohio, 1787. 41. Washing- 
ton's Journal of his Tour to the Ohio, 1770. 42. Garfield's Address on 
the North-west Territory and the Western Reserve. 43. Cieorge Rogers 
Clark's Account of the Capture of Vincennes, 1779. 44. Jefferson's Life 
of Captain Meriwether Lewis. 45. Fremont's Account of his Ascent of 
PYemont's Peak. 46. Father Marquette at Chicago. 1673. 47. Washing- 
ton's Account of the Army at Cambridge, 1775. 48. Bradford's Memoir 
of Flder Brewster. 49. 15radford's First Dialogue. 50. Winthrop's " Con- 
clusions for the Plantation in New England." 51. " New England's First 
Fruits," 1643. 52. John Eliot's " Indian Grammar Begun." 53. John 
Cotton's "God's Promise to his Plantation." 54. Letters of Roger Will- 
iams to Winthrop. 55. Thomas Hooker's " Way of the Churches of New 
England." 56. The Monroe Doctrine: President Monroe's Message of 
1823. 57. The English lUble, selections from the various versions. 58. 
Hooper's Letters to Bullinger. 59. Sir John Eliot's " Apology for Soc- 
rates." 60. Ship-money Papers. 61. Pym's Speech against Strafford. 
62. Cromwell's Second Speech. 63. Milton's " A Free Commonwealth." 
64. Sir Henry Vane's Defence. 65. Washington's Addresser to the 
Churches. 66. Winthrop's "Little Speech" on Liberty. 67. Cotton 
Mather's " lk)stonian Ebenezer." from the " Magnalia." 68. Governor 
Hutchinson's Account of the Boston Tea Party. 69. Adrian Van der 
Donck's Description of New Netherlands in 1655. 70. The Debate in the 
Constitutional Convention on the Rules of Suffrage in Congress. 71. 
Columbus's Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella, ^ n his Second Voyage. 
72. The Dutch Declaration of Independence in 1581. 73. Captain John 
Knox's Account of the iiattle of Quebec. 74. Hamilton's Report on the 
Coinage. 75. William Penn's plan for the Peace of Europe. 76. Wash- 
ington's Words on a National University. 77. Cotton Mather's Lives 
of Bradford and Winthrop. 78. The First Number of The Lihcj jfor. 
79. Wendell Phillips's Eulogy of Garrison. 80. Theodore Parker's Ad- 
dress on the Dangers from Slavery. 81. Whittier's Account of the Anti- 
slavery Convention of 1S33. 82. Mrs. Stowe's Story of " Uncle Tom's 
Cabin." 83. Sumner's Speech on the Crime against Kansas. 84. The 
Words of John Brown. 85. The First Lincoln and Douglas Debate. 86, 
Washington's Account of his Capture of Boston. 87. The Manners 
and Customs of the Indians, from Morton's " New English Canaan." 
88. The Beginning of King PhiHp's War, from Hubbard's History of 
i'hilip's War, 1677. 89. Account of the Founding of St. Augustine, by 
Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales. 90. Amerigo Vespucci's Ac- 
count of his Third Voyage. 91. Champlain's Account of the Founding 
of Ouebec. 92. P.arlowe's Account of the First Voyage to Roanoke. 



93. Parker's Account of the Settlement of Londonderry, N.H. 94. 
Juet's Account of the Discovery of the Hudson River. 95. Pastorius's 
Description of Pennsylvania, 1700. 96. Acrelius's Account of the 
Founding of New Sweden. 

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It is hoped that this list of Old South Lectures and Leaflets will meet 
the needs of many clubs and classes engaged in the study of history, as 
well as the needs of individual students, serving as a table of topics. The 
subjects of the lectures in the various courses will be found to have a 
logical sequence ; and the leaflets accompanying the several lectures can 
be used profitably in connection, containing as they do full historical notes 
and references to the best literature on the subjects of the lectures. 



,904 







<©Iti ^outf) aieaflet-^ 



No. 89. 



The Founding 

of 
St. Augustine. 



Memoir of the Happy Result and Prosperous Voyage of the 
Fleet commanded r,Y the Illustrious Captain-general Pedro 
Menendez de Aviles, which sailed from Cadiz on the Morn- 
ing OF Thursday, June 28th, for the Coast of Florida, and 
arrived there on the 2Sth of August, 1565. 

BY FRANCISCO LOPEZ DE MENDOZA GRAJALES, 

Chaplai)i of the Expedition. 



I. 

The Lord having granted us favorable weather from the first 
five days' saihng brought us in sight of the Lanzarote Islands 
and Fuerte Ventura.^' The following Wednesday, July c itrGc 
we reached the Canary Islands, which are two hundred and 
fifty leagues from Cadiz, where we stopped three days to lay in 
a supply of wood and water. 

The following Sunday, July 8, our fleet, composed of eight 
ships, under the direction of our general, left the Canary 
Islands, and proceeded to the Island of Dominica, which 
was to be conquered from the Caribbee Indians. Unfortu- 
nately, the very evening we set sail, our first galley and a 
patache became separated from us. For two days we coasted 
up and down, hoping to rejoin them, but without any success • 
and our admiral, seeing that we should not be able to accom- 
plish It, gave the order for us to sail directly to Dominica, 

* Menendez set sail from Cadiz on the 29th June, 1565, with eleven shins leaving the 
smaller vessels of his fleet to follow. His whole force amounted to t^ti thousand six hfded 
and forty-s,x persons (in thirty-four vessels, one of which was the Hag sh fSn Pe ayo of 
n ne hundred and nmety-six tons), among which were twelve Franciscans, eigh? Jesuits and 
other ecclesiastics, and many Knights of Galicia, Biscay, and the Asturi^s ^ ' 



where we were to await them in case they had not arrived 
before us. During this voyage a shallop, or boat, commanded 
by Capt. Francesco Sanchez sprung aleak, and, as it got be- 
yond the control of the crew, he asked assistance from us, but 
it was impossible to give him any. The pilot wishing to con- 
tinue to sail with the other vessels until they should ai^-ive at 
their destination, and have the leak repaired there, the captain 
and a soldier had recourse to their swords to oblige the pilot 
to return to port, being fearful lest they should all be drowned. 
The pilot declared himself utiable to do this on account of the 
rough weather, so they decided to make for the cape on the 
south-west in order to reach the land as soon as possible. 
Thus it happened that we were obliged to leave them, which 
we did with deep regret and great anxiety as to what would 
become of them. The five vessels which remained of our fleet 
had a prosperous voyage the rest of the way, thanks to our 
Lord and His blessed mother. Up to Friday, the 26th, we 
had very fine weather, but at ten o'clock that day a violent 
wind arose, which by two in the afternoon had become the 
most frightful hurricane one could imagine. The sea, which 
rose to the very clouds, seemed about to swallow us up alive, 
and such was the fear and apprehension of the pilot and other 
sailors that I exerted myself to exhort my brethren and com- 
panions to repentance. I represented to them the passion of 
our Lord Jesus Christ, His justice and His mercy, and with 
so much success that I passed the night in confessing them. 

Very often the sea washed completely over the deck where 
we were gathered, one hundred and twenty men having no 
other place to go, as there was only one between-decks, and 
that was full of biscuit, wine, and other provisions. We were 
in such great danger that it was found necessary to lighten the 
vessel, and we threw a great many barrels of water into the 
sea, as well as our cooking apparatus and seven millstones 
which we were taking with us. Most of the reserve rigging 
and the great ship's cable were cast overboard, and still the 
waves continued to break over us. The admiral then resolved 
to throw all the chests o^ the men into the sea, but the distress 
of the soldiers was so great that I felt constrained to throw 
myself at his feet and beg him not to do it. I reminded him 
that we ought to trust to the ^reat mercy of our Lord, 
and, like a true Christian, he showed confidence in God, and 
spared the luggage. When Jesus Christ permitted the return 



3 

of day, we looked at each other as at men raised from the 
dead, and, though our suspense during Saturday was no less 
than that of the preceding night, light itself was a consolation 
to us ; but when night, however, found us again still in the 
same dangerous situation, we thought w^e must surely perish, 
and during this whole night I preached to the crew, and ex- 
horted them to put their trust in God. Sunday morning came, 
and your Lordship can fancy how we rejoiced to see daylight 
once more, although the storm continued unabated all day, 
and until noon of the following Monday, when our Lord 
deigned to have compassion and mercy on us, and calmed the 
fury of the winds and waves. 

When the tempest arose, our five vessels were sailing in com- 
pany, but during the night the hurricane was so violent that 
they were driven in different directions, and we lost sight of 
one another for three days. Finally, one morning, we saw a 
ship approaching which we recognized as one of our fleet, 
although we had at first feared it was French. 

We were all so tired, and our minds so confused by what we 
had suffered, that the pilots lost all calculations of reckoning 
as to what, was our proper course ; but, inspired by the Holy 
Ghost, they directed the men to steer W. S. W., and we came 
in sight of the Island of Desirade. 

On Sunday, August 5, the day of Notre Dame des Neiges, 
just as we were approaching the island, we were assailed by a 
heavy swell and a westerly gale which drove us back to the 
Island of Dominica, inhabited by Caribbce Indians, where we 
entered the harbor about nine o'clock in the evening. As 
soon as we had cast anchor, the captain gave orders to lower 
and arm the ship's boat, which the sailors manned, and, being 
provided with jars, went ashore in search of water, of which 
we were in the greatest need. An Italian domestic whom 
I had went with them, and in the early morning, while search- 
ing for water by a bright moonlight, he discovered at the foot 
of a tree the largest and most frightful tortoise one could 
imagine. At the first movement it made, they thought it was 
a serpent or some other deadly animal, and cried to each other 
to fly to the shore where their boat was ; but afterwards, as 
there were six of them, they felt ashamed of their fears, and, 
each taking an oar or a stick, they returned to where they had 
first heard the sound, and, as I have said, discovered a tortoise. 
Armed with their oars, they approached it and tried to turn it 



on its back. 'I'he animal Hcd towards the sea, but they were 
at last successful in attacking it by one leg, and were able to 
bring it on to the ship. It required six men next day to cut 
it up. The creature was a female and contained more than 
five hundred eggs, each about the size of a hen's egg, and 
having a yolk and white, but quite round in shape. The meat, 
especially when roasted, looks and tastes like veal. These tor- 
toises live principally in the sea, although they go on shore to 
sleep. When they are filled with eggs, as this one was, they 
deposit them on the ground and cover them with earth, where 
after a certain time the young hatch out, and then go into the 
sea to live. On Tuesday morning the admiral fitted out the 
boat, in which the sailors were to go in search of wood and 
water, and told me that, if I wished, I might accompany them, 
although he advised me to be very careful. Anxious to go 
ashore, I did not stop to consider all the danger to which I 
might be exposed. I called my Italian servant and directed 
him to take a half dozen soiled shirts and some other linen, 
and gave him a piece of soap with which to wash them when 
we got on land, which he did very well. I had fifty jars filled 
with excellent water, in the forest, and then sent off the 
boat. While my servant and four other men were busy wash- 
ing the clothing, I climbed upon some rocks on the seashore 
and amused myself collecting shells, of which there were a 
great number, when, on raising my eyes, I perceived three 
entirely naked men descending a hill. As we were in an 
enemy's country, I thought they must of course be Caribbces, 
and ran as fast as I could to join my companions. Each 
armed with a half dozen stones, we then went to meet the 
men. W^hen we came within reach of their voices, we per- 
ceived that they were some of our own people, which, consid- 
ering the condition we thought ourselves in, gave me the 
greatest pleasure. The explanation of this adventure is this : 
only a certain number of us were permitted by the admiral to 
go ashore, but the poor wretches who remained behind, having 
also the greatest desire to land, five soldiers agreed to swim 
after and join us. The. distance was greater than it appeared, 
however, and, the current being very rapid, two out of the five 
were drowned. The other three crossed the mountain to where 
I was, and, as they wore no clothing, I thought it must be an 
ambuscade of Caribbccs. I had about a hundred Peru jars 
filled with fresh water, and a large quantity of wood gathered. 



and at about four o'clock we returned to the ship. Just then 
so fresh a breeze sprung up that at dayUght on Wednesday 
we found ourselves at the Island of Monserrat, thirty-five 
leagues from there. It is said that from the Canary Islands 
to Dominica there are about eight hundred leagues sailing. 
Farther on are a great many other islands which bear the 
names of different saints, Guadaloupe and the Virgin Islands. 
This group appears to be about two hundred leagues in circum- 
ference, but the ground is very stony and uninhabitable. 



II. 

On Thursday, August 9, about noon, we came in sight of 
Porto Rico, but at nightfall, the pilot being fearful lest we 
should run aground on the sand-banks which surround the 
island and its harbor, ordered all the sails to be brailed up. 
Next morning, however, the breeze having stiffened a little, 
we again set sail, and entered the port on Friday, St. Law- 
rence's Day, at about three in the afternoon. On entering the 
harbor, we discovered our first galley anchored there, with the 
San Pelayo, which had become separated from us in a storm. 
Loud cries of joy resounded on all sides, and we thanked the 
Lord that He had permitted us to find each other again, but it 
would be impossible for me to tell how it all happened. The 
captains and ensigns came immediately to see us, and I regaled 
them with some confectionery and other things which I had 
brought with me. That same day I went ashore with the 
admiral, and we visited the general, who received us hand- 
somely and with great demonstrations of affection. In the 
evening, seeing that I did not present myself at supper be- 
cause he had not invited me, he sent for me. On the day 
following he gave me quarters in a beautiful house, and cor- 
dially invited me to dine with him, for which, of course, I 
returned my thanks. We remained four days in port, during 
most of which time it rained. On Wednesday, the 15th, about 
ten o'clock, more than thirty men deserted and concealed them- 
selves around the harbor, among Jhem three of the seven 
priests who accompanied the expedition. It was impossible 
to find them, dead or alive, which distressed the general very 
much, and me, too, as it added greatly to my labors. At this 
seaport I was offered a chaplaincy where I should have re- 
ceived a peso for every mass said, and I should have had 



6 

plenty to do all the year round, but I feared to accept, lest I 
should be talked about as the others were, and then it is not 
a city where one is likely to receive promotion ; and, besides, I 
wanted to see if, by refusing a personal benefit for the love of 
Jesus, He would not grant me a greater, since it is my desire 
to serve our Lord and His blessed mother. The rich persons 
in that country have made their money in cattle, some of the 
wealthy land-owners having twenty to thirty thousand cows, 
and others as many mares, each worth only about forty pesos 
of base coin, or about one hundred and twenty Spanish reals. 
The mares are not worth more, because they do not know 
how to make use of them, unless occasionally to draw loads 
or produce colts. As to the cattle, only their hides are profit- 
able, each hide being worth eleven or twelve reals of that 
country. I mention these things, because they wished to per- 
suade me to remain in that city. Senor Valverde and I paid 
eight reals for an azumbre of wine, and even at that price it 
was not very good. We replenished our little stock of pro- 
visions for the voyage across, with such things as excellent 
salt meat, oranges, lemons, sweet potatoes, sugar-canes, and a 
dozen beef's tongues, and salt ribs. We took these precau- 
tions, because on our outward trip we had learned by experi- 
ence what one is likely to suffer at sea. 

It appears that the storm above described had injured also 
our first galley, which, being near the shore when the hurri- 
cane began, suffered so considerably that all the ship's com- 
pany made their last confessions, and expected every minute 
to be their last. A severe gust of wind snapped off their fore- 
mast, and blew it overboard with the sail and rigging ; and, as 
many of the ropes were fastened to the sheets, it caused the 
ship to lean so that twice they saw their topmast dip under 
the waves. At the same time parts of the top-sides were 
broken, as well as the mainmast. The ship's company being 
unable any longer to control the sails, and finding themselves 
likely to perish, gave themselves up to the will of the waves, 
until God, in His good mercy, permitted them to reach this 
haven, where they repaired their disasters as best they could. 

In the port of St. John's of Porto Rico the general pur- 
chased twenty-four horses and a ship to transport fifty men, 
whom the King had commanded to be taken from this island. 
The very day we set sail, this ship sprung aleak, and the 
danger of foundering was so imminent that, in order to save 



the men, it became necessary to lighten her by throwing over- 
board a large quantity of merchandise. Seeing that this pro- 
duced but little effect, it became necessary also to throw over 
the horses. Twenty-three were either lost in this way or died 
during the voyage, so that but one arrived in Florida. The 
same day the general sent a large ship to St. Domingo, with 
orders to take on board the four hundred men who, by his 
Majesty's orders, had been assembled there, and have them 
join us with all haste. 

Before our fleet left Spain, three caravels had been sent 
out by his Majesty's directions, as despatch-boats, each at a 
different time, to transmit to St. Domingo and to Havana 
his Majesty's orders in regard to what should be done on 
our arrival. The second of these caravels took with her a 
great many sealed despatches concerning arrangements to be 
made, and a great many valuable objects. When she arrived 
oil Mona Island, which forms already a part of St. Domingo, 
she was attacked, and compelled to surrender to a French 
vessel, — one of those who were in our neighborhood. The 
enemy boarded her, possessed themselves of all her papers, 
read the plans for the conquest of Florida, took off all the 
other things they saw fit to take, and then told the ship's com- 
pany to go as fast as they could to St. Domingo to notify their 
countrymen, but that they hoped to be there as soon as the 
caravel ; and with this they left them. 

On Friday, August 17, about four in the afternoon, we ar- 
rived in sight of St. Domingo. Our general, trusting to good 
luck and the mercy of God, instantly ordered the admiral's 
ship to proceed northward, and pass through a very dangerous 
channel, which no navigator had as yet explored. Although 
the admiral, as well as all of us, was very much distressed by 
this order, he could not do otherwise than obey the command- 
ing general. At the time we entered the strait, the waves were 
so high and the swell so strong we thought we were about to 
perish, the danger being caused by the surge which we had to 
brave, and yet resist. The admiral told me to encourage the 
soldiers with some good prayers and exhortations, and they 
did become calm, although during the whole night we were 
exposed to this danger. 

Saturday, the i8th, daylight having reappeared, wx took 
courage ; but, as we were sailing along, w^ell out at sea, we all 
at once saw breakers ahead. All the pilots hastened to throw 



8 

their sounding-lines, and find out if it would do to proceed 
in the course our manceuvre demanded. In some places they 
found four fathoms of water, and in others less. Two hours 
before nightfall we discovered a low desert island, named 
Aguana. Providence permitted us to come near these banks 
and this island by daylight, so that we could see and avoid 
their dangers ; for, had we approached them by night, we must 
surely have perished. In consideration of the great danger 
of our surroundings, and supposing that none of our pilots 
were familiar with those parts, we resolved to reef our sails, 
and not venture to proceed by night, lest we should be wrecked. 
Sunday morning, the 19th, at daybreak, the first ship which set 
sail was the flag-ship, on which I was, since the pilot on this 
ship knew his duty perfectly. The first galley joined us, and 
the general was spoken to, and told that we were pursuing a 
bad course ; but he only reiterated the orders to the captains 
and pilots to continue in the route which was laid out for 
them. All obeyed, although very unhappy about the frightful 
danger to which the constantly appearing breakers exposed 
them. That day we perceived another low island, called 
Capuana, uninhabited, like the other, and surrounded by dan- 
gerous shoals and rocks. God permitted us to pass it by day, 
and thus avoid its perils. At nightfall the flag-ship and the 
first galley approached each other, and the general had a long 
interview with the admiral and his pilot, who explained to him 
the uncertainty of their being able to continue their voyage 
by this ro"te. Persistently obstinate, however, the general 
directed the captain and pilot to navigate ahead of the first 
galley,- to avoid the dangers of shallow waters. 

During the following night all the ships, of which all the 
officers and crews were dissatisfied to be navigating in un- 
known waters, profited by the darkness to brail up their sails 
and fall behind the first galley, in order that they might shield 
themselves from danger, by keeping in her wake. 

Monday, the 20th, found us all at anchor at break of day, 
for the galley, like the rest, fearful of the shallow waters, had 
cast anchor at midnight, and when it became quite light we 
beheld another low, flat island right ahead of us. After pass- 
ing this place, navigation became easier, so far as shoals were 
concerned, for we met them less frequently, which was some- 
what encouraging. Sunday morning a boat from the galley 
came alongside of us with men to visit some of my friends. 



We learned from them that the (governor) general had made 
eight new captains, with their ensigns, sergeants, etc., besides 
the four who had accompanied us from Spain. Each company 
was to be composed of fifty men and a certain number of horse- 
men to scout the country. Every one was well pleased to learn 
this piece of news. 

On the same day, about nine o'clock in the morning, the 
admiral approached the galley to salute, according to custom, 
when the general directed the captain to distribute arms to 
all the soldiers and hold them in readiness for action. Reflect- 
ing on the determination which he had shown in regard to 
the navigation, I felt sure that the general knew perfectly 
well what he was about, but did not wish to be communica- 
tive. Your Lordship will remember that, when the fleet was 
in preparation in Spain, I went to see the captain-general at 
the harbor of S^. Mary, and, as I told you, he showed me a 
letter from his Royal Highness Philip II., signed with his name. 
In this letter his Majesty told him that on May 20 some 
ships had left France carrying seven hundred men and two 
hundred women.* As I have stated, we learned at St. John's 
of Porto Rico that our despatch-boat had been captured. This 
fact, joined to the reflection that our fleet was much injured by 
the storm, and that of the ten vessels which left Cadiz only 
four remained, besides the one bought at the last port to trans- 
port the horses and troops — all this made it evident to our 
captain-general, a man of arms, that the French would likely 
be waiting for him near the harbors, a little farther ^on ; that is, 
off Monte Christi, Havana, and the Cape of Las Canas, which 
lie on the same side, and precisely on our route to Florida. 
This was all the more to be expected sincj -the French had 
come in possession of our plan to unite our forces at Havana. 
Not wishing, however, to encounter the French, having now 
lost our ships, and having but feeble means of defence, the 
general decided to take a northerly course, and pursue a new 
route, through the Baha77ia Channel, leaving the enemy to the 
windward. When I suggested this route to the admiral and the 
pilot, they said it was important and necessary to abandon the 
usual route, by way of Havana. Following this dangerous 
navigation, the Lord permitted the admiral to arrive safely in 

*This is a mistake. There were but few families who accompanied this expedition 
of RiBAULT to Florida, of which jNIenendez seemed to be well informed by the King of 
Spain before he sailed with orders from the King to hang and behead all Lutherans (Hugue- 
nots) whom he should find in Florida. 



port on Sunday, the 20th of August. We saw two islands, 
called the Bahama Islands. The shoals which lie between 
them are so extensive that the billows are felt far out at sea. 
The general gave orders to take soundings. The ship pur- 
chased at Porto Rico got aground that day in two and a half 
fathoms of water. At first, we feared she might stay there ; 
but she soon got off and came to us. Our galley, one of the 
best ships afloat, found herself all day in the same position, 
when suddenly her keel struck three times violently against 
the bottom. The sailors gave themselves up for lost, and the 
water commenced to pour into her hold. But, as we had a 
mission to fulfil for Jesus Christ and His blessed mother, two 
heavy waves, which struck her abaft, set her afloat again, and 
soon after we found her in deep water, and at midnight we 
entered the Bahama Cluuuiel. 



III. 

On Saturday, the 25th, the captain-general (Menendez) 
came to visit our vessel and get the ordnance for disembark- 
ment at Florida. This ordnance consisted of two rampart 
pieces, of two sorts of culverins, of very small calibre, powder 
and balls ; and he also took two soldiers to take care of the 
pieces. Having armed his vessel, he stopped and made us an 
address, in which he instructed us what we had to do on arrival 
at the place where the French were anchored. I will not 
dwell on this subject, on which there was a good deal said for 
and against, although the opinion of the general finally pre- 
vailed. There were two thousand (hundred) Frenchmen in the 
seaport into which we were to force an entrance. I made 
some opposition to the plans, and begged the general to con- 
sider that he had the care of a thousand souls, for which he 
must give a good account. Then followed a fine address, which 
I shall not repeat here, as it would make my report too long. 
Please the Lord and the Blessed Virgin, I will, however, re- 
port it on my return. 

On Monday, August 27, while we were near the entrnnce 
to the Bahama Channel, God showed to us a miracle from 
heaven. About nine o'clock in the evening a comet appeared, 
which showed itself directly above. us, a little eastward, giving 
so much light that it might have been taken for the sun. It 
went towards the west, — that is, towards Florida, — and its 



brightness lasted long enough to repeat two Credos. Accord- 
ing to the sailors, this was a good omen. 

On Tuesday, the 28th, we had a calm more dead than any- 
thing we had yet experienced while at sea. Our vessel was 
about one and a half leagues from the first galley and the 
other vessels. We were all tired, and especially I, from pray- 
ing to God to give us weather which should put an end to all 
trials and disappointments. About two o'clock He had pity 
on us, and sent so good a wind that we came under full sail 
to rejoin the galley. One thing happened which I regard as 
miraculous. While we were becalmed, and after we had joined 
the other vessels, none of the pilots knew where we were, 
some pretending we were as much as a hundred leagues from 
Florida. However, thanks to God and the prayers of the 
Blessed Virgin, we soon had the pleasure of seeing land. 
We steered in that direction, anchored near a point of land, 
and found ourselves actually in Florida,^ and not very far dis- 
tant from the enemy, which was for us an occasion of great 
joy. That very evening our general assembled the pilots on 
the galley to discuss what was to be done. Next day, the 
29th, at daylight, the galley and all the other ships weighed 
anchor, and coasted along in search of the enemy or a harbor 
favorable for disembarking. 

On Monday, the 30th of August, we were assailed by bad 
weather, which obliged us to anchor. For four days contrary 
winds continued to blow, or else it was so calm we could not 
move, during all of which time we remained at anchor, about 
a league and a half from the shore. The captain-general, 
seeing that neither the pilots nor the two Frenchmen whom he 
had taken prisoners, and who belonged to the French colony, 
could give us any information in regard to the port ; and the 
coast being so fiat that we could only recognize a few objects, 
the general, under these circumstances, decided to send 
ashore fifty arquebusiers, with some captains. They built 
fires in order to excite the curiosity of the Indians, and attract 
them ; but they were so stupid that they paid no attention to 
us, and none came to see us. Our people then decided to 
penetrate the interior ; and after having gone four leagues, 
they arrived at a village of Indians, who kindly received them, 

*'I'he Spanish fleet came in sight of land upon the same day, August 28 (called, in the 
calendar of the Roman Catholic Church, St. Angustine), that the French fleet, under 
RiBAULT, cast anchor at the mouth of the May, now called St.Johri's river, being within fifty 
miles of each other. 



^ave them food in abundance, embraced them, and then asked 
them for some of their things, and the soldiers were generous 
enough to make them a number of presents. In return the 
natives gave them two pieces of gold, of low standard, but it 
showed that they had some, and were in the habit of giving 
it in exchange. The Frenchmen whom we had with us told us 
they had been in communication with them for a long time. 
The Indians wanted the soldiers to pass the night with them, 
in order that they might feast them ; but the latter declined 
their offers, being anxious to report the good news to our 
captain-general. As soon as he had learned the news, he 
resolved to disembark on Saturday morning, September ist, 
and go among these Indians. He took with him a quantity 
of linen, knives, mirrors, and other little things of that sort, to 
gain their good will, and get some information as to where the 
French were. One of the Frenchmen of whom I have spoken 
understood their language. They told us we had left the 
French about five leagues behind us, precisely at the same 
spot to which God had conducted us when we arrived in sight 
of land ; but we could not then find them, because we had not 
sent any one ashore. 

On Tuesday, the 4th, the fleet left the place of which I have 
been speaking, and we took a northerly course, keeping all the 
time close to the coast. On Wednesday, the 5th, two hours be- 
fore sunset, we saw four French ships at the mouth of a river.* 
When we were two leagues from them, the first galley joined 
the rest of the fleet, which was composed of four other vessels. 
The general concerted a plan with the captains and pilots, and 
ordered the flag-ship, the San Pelayo, and a chaloupe to attack 
the French flag-ship, the T7'inity^ while the" first galley and 
another chaloupe would attack the French galley, both of which 
vessels were very large and powerful. All the ships of our 
fleet put themselves in good position ; the troops were in the 
best of spirits, and full of confidence in the great talents of the 
captain-general. They followed the galley : but, as our general 
is a very clever and artful officer, he did not fire, nor seek to 
make any attack on the enemy. He went straight to the 
French galley, and cast anchor about eight paces from her. 
The other vessels went to the windward, and very near the 

*The French expedition commanded by Ribaui.t, consisting of seven sail and five liun- 
dred men and some families of artisans, arrived on the coast of Florida and entered tlie river 
May {St. John's) on the 29th August, 1565, four of which vessels were lying outside of the 
bar, disembarking the emigrants, when Menendez arrived. 



13 

enemy. During the manoeuvres, which lasted until about two 
hours after sunset, not a word was said on either side. Never 
in my life have I known such stillness. Our general inquired of 
the French galley, which was the vessel nearest his, " Whence 
does this fleet come ? " They answered, " From France." 
" What are you doing here ? " said the Adelantado. " This is 
the territory of King Philip II. I order you to leave directly ; 
for I neither know who you are nor what you want here." 
The French commander then replied, " I am bringing soldiers 
and supphes to the fort of the King of France." He then 
asked the name of the general" of our fleet, and was told, 
•' Pedro Menendez de Aviles, Captain-general of the King 
of Spain, who have come to hang all Lutherans I find here." 
Our general then asked him the name of his commander, and 
he replied, "Lord Gasto." While this parleying was going on, 
a long-boat was sent from the galley to the flag-ship. The 
person charged with this errand managed to do it so secretly 
that we could not hear what was said; but we understood the 
reply of the French to be, " I am the admiral," which made 
us think he wished to surrender, as they were in so small a 
force. Scarcely had the French made this reply, when they 
slipped their cables, spread their sails, and passed through 
our midst. Our admiral, seeing this, followed the French com- 
mander,* and called upon him to lower his sails, in the name 
of King Philip, to which he received an impertinent answer. 
Immediately our admiral gave an order to discharge a small 
culverin, the ball from which struck the vessel amidships, and 
I thought she was going to founder. We gave chase, and 
some time after he again called on them to lower their sails. 
" I would sooner die first than surrender ! " replied the French 
commander. The order was given to fire a second shot, which 
carried oft' five or six men ; but, as these miserable devils are 
very good sailors, they manoeuvred so well that we could not 
take one of them ; and, notwithstanding all the guns we fired at 
them, we did not sink one of their ships- We only got posses- 
sion of one of their large boats, which was of great service to 
us afterwards. During the whole night our flag-ship (the San 
Pelayo) and the galley chased the French flag-ship {Trinity) 
and galley. 

Wednesday morning, September 5th, at sunrise, so great a 

* RiBAULT had at this time gone to pay a visit to Laudonniere, at Fort Carolifi, on the 
river May {Si. Johfis). 



14 

storm arose that we feared we should be shipwrecked ; and, as 
our vessels were so small, we did not dare to remain on the 
open sea, and regained the shore ; that is, three of our vessels 
anchored at about a league and a half from it. We had 
double moorings, but the wind was so strong that one of them 
broke loose. We prayed the Lord to spare the others, for we 
could not have prevented them from being driven on to the 
coast and lost. As our galley was a large vessel, and busy 
following up the enemy, she could not come to our assistance. 
So we felt ourselves in danger of being attacked. The same 
evening, about sunset, we perceived a sail afar off, which we 
supposed was one of our galleys, and which was a great sub- 
ject of rejoicing ; but, as the ship approached, we discovered it 
was the French flag-ship (Trinity),* which we had fired at the 
night before. At first we thought she was going to attack us ; 
but she did not dare to do it, and anchored between us and 
the shore, about a league from us. That night the pilots of 
our other ships came on board, to consult with the Admiral as 
to what was to be done. The next morning, being fully per- 
suaded that the storm had made a wreck of our galley, or that, 
at least, she had been driven a hundred leagues out to sea, we 
decided that so soon as daylight came we would weigh anchor, 
and withdraw in good order, to a river (Se/oyf) which was 
below the French colony, and there disembark, and construct 
a fort, which we would defend until assistance came to us. 



IV. 

On Thursday, just as day appeared, we sailed towards 
the vessel at anchor, passed very close to her, and would cer- 
tainly have captured her, when we saw another vessel appear 
on the open sea, which we thought was one of ours. At the 

* Distrusting the intentions of the Spaniards, one of the French fleet put to sea, and 
sailed to the southward, and came to anchor opposite the river Seloy, called by the French 
" Dolphin,^'' where they saw the Spaniards land their troops and pro\-isions. 

t This was the first landing made by Laudonniere, in 1564, which he named the river 
" Dolphin." The two arms of the river running to the north and south are the North River 
^nA.\.\\^ Matanzas. The old town of St. Augustine was built here; also the first Roman 
Catholic cliurch and monastery on the Atlantic coast of North America; and Phi/i/i II. was 
proclaimed monarch of all North America. St. A ugustiue is the oldest town in the United 
States. " Its origin," says Hanckokt, " should be carefully remembered, for it is a fixed point 
from which to measure the liberal influence of time, tlie progress of modern ci\'ilization, the 
victories of the American mind in its contests for the interests of humanity." Tiie French 
go\ernment heard witli apathy of tiie massacre of the French colony, which, if it had been 
protected, would ha\e gi\en to France a flourishing empire in the South before England had 
planted a single spot on the new continent. 



15 

same moment, however, we thought we recognized the French 
admiral's ship. We perceived the ship on the open sea : it 
was the French galley of which we had been in pursuit. Find- 
ing ourselves between these two vessels, we decided to direct 
our course towards the galley, for the sake of deceiving them 
and preventing them from attacking us, so as not to give them 
any time to wait. This bold manoeuvre having succeeded, we 
sought the river Seloy and port, of which I have spoken, where 
we had the good fortune to find our galley, and another vessel 
which had planned the same thing we had. Two companies of 
infantry now disembarked : that of Captain Andres Soyez Fa- 
ting, and that of Captain Juan de San Vincente, who is a 
very distinguished gentleman. They were well received by the 
Indians, who gave them a large house belonging to a chief, 
and situated near the shore of a river. Immediately Captain 
Patino and Captain San Vincente, both men of talent and 
energy, ordered an intrenchment to be built around this house, 
wdth a slope of earth and fascines, these being the only means 
of defence possible in that country, where stones are nowhere 
to be found. Up to to-day we have disembarked twenty- 
four pieces of bronze guns of different calibres, of which the 
least weighed fifteen hundred weight. Our fort is at a distance 
of about fifteen leagues from that of the enejny {Fort Carolin). 
The energy and talents of those two brave captains^ joined to the 
efforts of their brave soldiers^ who had no tools with ivhich to 
work the earthy acco77iplished the co7istriictioJi of this fortress of 
defence ; and, whe?i the genera/ disembarked, he ivas quite sur- 
prised ivith what had been done. 

On Saturday, the 8th, the general landed with many ban- 
ners spread, to the sound of trumpets and salutes of artil- 
lery. As I had gone ashore the evening before, I took a 
cross and went to meet him, singing the hymn Te Deum 
/audamus. The general marched up to the cross, follo\ved 
by all who accompanied him, and there they all kneeled and 
embraced the cross. A large number of Indians watched 
these proceedings and imitated all they saw^ done. The same 
day the general took formal possession of the country in the name 
of his Majesty, and all the captains took the oath of allegiance 
to hi?n, as their ge?ieral and governor of the country. When 
this ceremony w^as ended, he offered to do everything in 
his power for them, especially for Captain Patino, who 
during the whole voyage had ardently served the cause of 



i6 

God and of the King, and, I think, will be rewarded for 
his assiduity and talents in constructing a fort in which to 
defend ourselves until the arrival of help from S/. Dotningo 
and Havana. The French number about as many as we do, 
and perhaps more. My advice to the general was not to attack 
the enemy, but to let the troops rest all winter and wait for the 
assistance daily expected ; and then we may hope to make a 
successful attack. 

God and the holy Virgin have performed another great 
miracle in our favor. The day after our general came into 
the fort, he told us he was very much annoyed that his galley 
and another vessel were anchored about a league out at sea, 
and were not able to enter the harbor on account of the 
sandbanks. He felt uneasy, and feared the French would 
capture or ill-treat them. As soon as this idea took posses- 
sion of him, he left with about fifty men, to go on board an- 
other galley. He gave the order for three of the ship's boats, 
which were anchored in the river, to go and get the food and 
troops from on board the galley. The next day our ship went 
to sea loaded with provisions, and one hundred men besides, 
and, when about half a league from the bar, it became so be- 
calmed that it could not advance at all. So they cast anchor, 
and passed the' night in that place. The next morning, as the 
tide rose, they weighed anchor, and, as daylight advanced, they 
found themselves astern of two French vessels that had been 
watching them. The enemy prepared immediately to attack 
us ; but, when our people recognized the French, they addressed 
a prayer to Our Lady of Utrera, begging for her to send a 
little wind, for the French were already quite close upon us. 
One would have said that the spirit of Our Lady immediately 
descended upon our ship, for the wind freshened, blowing 
directly towards the channel, so that our galley could take 
refuge. The French soon followed us ; but, as the water is 
very shallow on the bar, their large ships could not pass over, 
and our people and provisions got safely into port. Under 
these circumstances, God granted us two great favors. The first 
was that on the same evening, after we had landed our troops 
and provisions, the two vessels sailed away at midnight with- 
out being seen by the enemy. One went to Spain, and the 
other to Havana, so that neither was captured. The second 
favor, and that by which God rendered us a still greater ser- 
vice, happened the next day. A great hurricane came up, 



17 

and was so severe that, I think, almost all of the French ves- 
sels must have been lost ; for they were assailed on the most 
dangerous part of the coast. Our general was very bold in 
all military matters, and a great enemy of the French. He 
immediately assembled his captains and planned an expe- 
dition to attack the French settlement and fort on the 
river with five hundred men ; and, in spite of the opinion of 
a majority of them, and of my judgment and of another priest, 
he ordered his plan to be carried out. Accordingly, on Mon- 
day, September 17, he set out with five hundred men, well 
provided with fire-arms and pikes, each soldier carrying with 
him a sack of bread and supply of wine for the journey. They 
also took with them two Indian chiefs, who were the implacable 
enemies of the French, to serve as guides. 

In a letter received from the captain-general to-day, the 
19th, he wrote me " that the very shallowest of the streams 
which they forded reached up to the knees ; that he has passed 
through very dense forests, and to-morrow, the 20th (Thurs- 
day), he hoped to attack the enemy's fort at daybreak." His 
courage and great zeal make me hope that he will succeed ; 
but he ought to have been a little less eager to carry out his 
projects, which would really have more advanced the service 
of his Majesty. Since the departure of the troops, we have 
suffered the worst weather and the most horrible tempests that 
I ever saw. May his Divine Majesty be with and protect us, 
for Heaven knows we have need of it. Yesterday evening, 
Wednesday, the 19th, we sent from the fort twenty men laden 
with provisions, — bread, wine, and cheese, — but the rain has 
fallen in such abundance that I am not sure they have been 
able to join the general and his army. I hope God, however, 
will do all he can for us, which will enable us to propagate 
his religion, and destroy the heretics. 

V. 

This morning, Saturday, the 2 2d, just after I had finished 
the mass of Our Lady, the admiral, at our request, sent some 
soldiers to fish, that we priests might have something to eat, 
it being a fast-day. Just as they had arrived at the place for 
fishing, and were going- to throw out their nets, they perceived 
a man advancing towards them. He unfurled a white flag, 
which is a sign of peace, when our men surrounded and capt- 



ured him. He proved to be a Frenchman, one of our ene- 
mies, so they made him a prisoner, and brought him to our 
admiral. The man, thinking we were going to hang him, shed 
tears, and appeared to be in great distress. I asked him if he 
were a Catholic, and he told me he was, and recited some 
prayers. So I consoled him, and told him not to fear anything, 
but to answer all questions put to him with frankness, which 
he promised me to do. He said there were about seven hun- 
dred inen in the fort {Carolin, on the river Ma}'), of which 
one-third were Lutherans, and two priests, who preached the 
Lutheran doctrines, and in camp eight or ten Spaniards, 
three of whom were found among the Indians, quite naked, 
and painted like the natives, who had been wrecked on the 
coast ; and, as no vessel had come into the country for a long 
time, they had remained with the Indians, some of whom had 
joined the French, whose fleet had arrived twenty days before. 

On Monday, September 24th, about nine o'clock in the 
morning, the admiral came into port with his frigate, and, as 
soon as I recognized him, I had the bells rung and great 
rejoicings made in the camp. 

An hour after he arrived, we saw a man approaching wdth 
loud cries. I was the first to run to him and get the news. 
He embraced me with transport, crying, " Victory ! victory ! 
the French fort {Carolin) is ours ! " I promised him the gift 
due to the bearer of good new^s, and have given him the best I 
was able to give. I have related how our brave general was 
determined, in spite of the opinions of many of his officers, to 
attack the French by land with five hundred men ; but, as the 
enterprise we are engaged in is for the cause of Jesus Christ 
and His Blessed Mother, the Holy Spirit has enlightened the 
understanding of our chief, so that everything has turned to 
our advantage, and resulted in a great victory. He has shown 
an ability and an energy unequalled by any prince in the world. 
He has been willing to sacrifice himself, and has been sus- 
tained by his captains and his soldiers, whom he has encour- 
aged by his valor and his words more than by any distribution 
of rewards or other inducements, so that every soldier has 
fought like a Roman. 

I have previously stated that our brave captain-general set 
out on the 17th of September with five hundred arquebusiers 
and pikemen, under the guidance of two Indian chiefs, who 
showed them the route to the enemy's fort. They marched 



19 

the whole distance until Tuesday evening, the i8th of Sep- 
tember, 1565, when they arrived within a quarter of a league 
of the enemy's fort {Carol in), where they remained all night 
up to their waists in water. When daylight came, Captains 
Lopez, Patino, and Martin Ochoa had already been to ex- 
amine the fort, but, when they went to attack the fort, a greater 
part of the soldiers were so confused they scarcely knew what 
they were about. 

On Thursday morning our good captain-general, accom- 
panied by his son-in-law, Don Pedro de Valdes and Captain 
Patino, went to inspect the fort. He showed so much vivac- 
ity that he did not seem to have suffered by any of the hard- 
ships to which he had been exposed, and, seeing him march off 
so brisk, the others took courage, and without exception followed 
his example. It appears the enemy did not perceive their ap- 
proach until the very moment of the attack, as it was very early 
in the morning and had rained in torrents. The greater part 
of the soldiers of" the fort were still in bed. Some arose in 
their shirts, and others, quite naked, begged for quarter ; but, 
in spite of that, more than one hundred and forty were killed. 
A great Lutheran cosmographer and magician was found 
among the dead. The rest, numbering about three hundred, 
scaled the walls, and either took refuge in the forest or on 
their ships floating in the river, laden with treasures, so that 
in an hour's time the fort was in our possession, without our 
having lost a single man, or even had one wounded. There 
*were six vessels on the river at the time. They took one brig, 
and an unfinished galley and another vessel, which had been 
just discharged of a load of rich merchandise, and sunk. 
These vessels were placed at the entrance to the bar to block- 
ade the harbor, as they expected we would come by sea. An- 
other, laden with wine and merchandise, was near the port. 
She refused to surrender, and spread her sails, when they fired 
on her from the fort, and sunk her in a spot where neither the 
vessel nor cargo will be lost. The taking of this fort gained 
us many valuable objects, namely, two hundred pikes, a hun- 
dred and twenty helmets, a quantity of arquebuses and shields, 
a quantity of clothing, linen, fine cloths, two hundred tons of 
flour, a good many barrels of biscuit, two hundred bushels of 
wheat, three horses, four asses, and two she-asses, hogs, tallow, 
books, furnace, flour-mill, and many other things of little value. 
But the greatest advantage of this victory is certainly the tri- 



umph which our Lord has granted us, and which will be the 
means of the holy Gospel being introduced into this country, a 
thing necessary to prevent the loss of many souls. 

On Monday, the 24th September, 1565, at the vesper hour, 
our captain-general arrived with fifty foot-soldiers. He was 
very tired, as well as those who accompanied him. As soon as 
I learned that he was coming, I ran to my room, put on a new cas- 
sock, the best I possessed, and a surplice ; and, taking a crucifix 
in my hand, I went a certain distance to receive him before he 
arrived in port ; and he, like a gentleman and a Christian, knelt, 
as well as all those who came with him, and returned a thousand 
thanks for the great favors he had received from God. My 
companions and I walked ahead in a procession, singing the 
Tc Dciun Iaudaf?ius^ so that our meeting was one of the greatest 
joy. Our general's zeal for Christianity is so great that all his 
troubles are but repose for his mind. 1 am sure that no merely 
human strength could have supported all that he has suffered: 
but the ardent desire which he has to serve our Lord in de- 
stroying the Lutheran heretics, the enemies of our holy Catholic 
religion, causes him to be less sensible of the ills he endured. 

On Friday, the 28th September, and while the captain- 
general was asleep, resting after all the fatigues he had passed 
through, some Indians came to the camp, and made us un- 
derstand, by signs, that on the coast towards the south there 
was a French vessel which had been Mrecked. Immediately 
our general directed the admiral to arm a boat, take fifty men, 
and go down the river to the sea, to find out what was the 
matter. About two o'clock the captain-general sent for me, 
and as he is very earnest, especially about this expedition, he 
said, " Mendoza, it seems to me I have not done right in 
separating myself from those troops." I answered, " Your 
Lordship has done perfectly right ; and, if you wanted to un- 
dertake a new course, I and your other servants would oppose 
it, and shield you from the personal dangers to which you 
would be exposed." And, notwithstanding I sought to gain 
him over by such speeches, he would not abandon his project, 
but told me, in a decided tone, that he wished to set out, and 
that he commanded me and the captains who remained at the 
port to accompany him. He said there should be in all twelve 
men to go in the boat, and two of them Indians, who would 
serve as guides. We set off immediately to descend the river 
to the sea, in search of the enemy ; and, to get there, we had to 



21 

march more than two leagues through plains covered with brush, 
often up to our knees in water, our brave general always leading 
the march. When we had reached the sea, we went about three 
leagues along the coast in search of our comrades. It was about 
ten o'clock at night when we met them, and there was a mutual 
rejoicing at having found each other. Not far off we saw the 
camp fires of our enemies, and our general ordered two of our 
soldiers to go and reconnoitre them, concealing themselves in 
the bushes, and to observe well the ground where they were 
encamped, so as to know what could be done. About two 
o'clock the men returned, saying that the enemy was on the 
other side of the river, and that we could not get at them. Im- 
mediately the general ordered two soldiers and four sailors to 
return to where we had left the boats, and bring them down 
the river, so that we might pass over to where the enemy was. 
Then he marched his troops forward to the river, and we ar- 
rived before daylight. We concealed ourselves in a hollow 
between the sand-hills, with the Indians who were with us ; 
and, w^hen it became light, we saw a great many of the enemy 
go down to the river to get shell-fish for food. Soon after we 
saw a flag hoisted, as a war-signal. Our general, who was 
observing all that, enlightened by the Holy Spirit, said to us, 
" I intend to change these clothes for those of a sailor, and 
take a Frenchman with me (one of those whom we had brought 
with us from Spain), and we will go and talk with these French- 
men. Perhaps they are without supplies, and would be glad to 
surrender without fighting." He had scarcely finished speak- 
ing before he put his plan into execution. As soon as he had 
called to them, one of them swam towards and spoke to him ; 
told him of their having been shipwrecked, and the distress 
they were in ; that they had not eaten bread for eight or ten 
days ; and, what is more, stated that all, or at least the greater 
part of them, were Lutherans. Immediately the general sent 
him back to his countrymen, to say they must surrender, and 
give up their arms, or he would put them all to death. A 
French gentleman, who was a sergeant, brought back the 
reply that they would surrender on condition their lives 
should be spared. After having parleyed a long time, our 
brave captain-general answered " that he luould make no 
promises^ that they 7nust surre7ider unconditio7iaJly^ and lay 
doicm their a?'jns, l)ecause^ if he spared their lives, he wanted 
them to be grateful for it, and, if they 7aere put to death, that 



22 

then: sJiould be no cause for coinplainty Seeing that there was 
nothing else left for them to do, the sergeant returned to the 
camp ; and soon after he brought all their arms and flags, and 
gave them up to the general, and surrendered unconditionally. 
Finding they were all Lutherans, the captain-general ordered 
them all to be put to death ; but, as 1 was a priest, and had 
bowels of mercy, I begged him to grant me the favor of sparing 
those whom we might find to be Christians. He granted it ; 
and I made investigations, and found ten or twelve of the men 
Roman Catholics, whom we brought back. All the others 
were executed, because they were Lutherans and enemies of 
our Holy Catholic faith. All this took place on Saturday (St. 
Michael's Day), September 29, 1565. 

I, Francisco Lopez de Mendoza Grajales, Chaplain of 
His Lordship, certify that the foregoing is a statement of what 
actually happened. 

FRANCISCO LOPEZ DE MENDOZA GRAJALES. 



Translation of a Letter from Pope Pius V. to 
Adelantado Pedro Menendez de Aviles. 

To our beloved son and nobleman, Pedro Menendez de 
Aviles, Viceroy in the Province of Florida, in the Indies: — 
Beloved son and nobleman, grace and benediction of our Lord 
be with you. Amen. 

We greatly rejoice that our much-beloved, dear son in 
Christ, Philip H., the Most Catholic King, had appointed and 
honored you by the government of Florida, making you Ade- 
lantado of the country ; for we had received such accounts of 
your person, and the excellencies of your virtues, your worth, 
and dignity were so satisfactorily spoken of, that we believed, 
without doubt, that you would not only fulfil faithfully, and 
with care and diligence, the orders and instructions which had 
been delivered to you by so Catholic a King, but we also fully 
trusted that you would, with discretion, do all that was 
requisite, and see carried forward the extension of our Holy 
Catholic faith, and the gaining of souls for God. I would that 
you should well understand that the Indians shall be governed 



23 

in good faith and prudently, that those who may be weak in 
the faith, being newly converted, be strengthened and con- 
firmed, and the idolaters may be converted and receive the 
faith of Christ ; that the first may praise God, knowing the 
benefits of His divine mercy, and the others, who are yet 
infidels, by the example and imitation of those who are already 
freed from blindness, may be led to the knowledge of the 
faith. 

But there is one thing more important for the conversion 
of the Indian idolaters, which is to endeavor, by every means, 
that they shall not be scandalized by the vices and bad habits 
of those who pass from our western shores to those parts. 
This is the key of this holy enterprise, in which are included 
all things requisite. Well understand, most noble man, that I 
declare to you that a great opportunity is offered to you in 
the carrying-out and management of these matters, which shall 
redound, on the one hand, to the service of God, and, on the 
other, to the increase of the dignity of your King, esteemed of 
men as well as loved and rewarded by God. 

Wherefore, we give vou our paternal and Apostolical bene- 
diction. We seek and charge you to give entire faith to our 
brother, the Archbishop of Rossini., who, in our name, will 
signify our wishes in more ample words. 

Given in Rome, at St. Peter's, with the ring of the Fisher- 
man, the first of August, 1569, the third year of our Pontifi- 
cate. 



The second volume of the " Narrative and Critical History of America," edited by Justin 
Winsor, is entirely devoted to Spanish Explorations and Settlements in America from the 
Fifteenth to the Seventeenth Century. And this is the greatest magazine of information upon 
the subject which exists. Columbus and his Discoveries, Amerigo Vespucci, The Com- 
panions of Columbus, Ancient Florida, Las Casas and the Relations of the Spaniards to the 
Indians, Cortes and his Companions, Early Explorations of New Mexico, Pizarro and the 
Conciuest and Settlement of Peru and Chili, and Magellan's Discovery, — all these chapters 
in the history of Spain in America are most thoroughly covered ; and every chapter is supple- 
mented by the exhaustive bibliographical notes, in the preparation of which Mr. Winsor was 
such a master. There is nothing of importance relating to Spanish exploration and settle- 
ment in the New World of which the student cannot here learn. 

Many of the (Old South Leaflets already published illustrate various epochs of Spanish- 
American history. Three leaflets have to do with Columbus : No. 29. The Discovery of 
America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand Columbus; 33. Columbus's 
Letter to Cabriel Sanchez, describing the First Voyage and Discovery; and 71. Columbus's 
Memorial to Ferdinand and Isabella. No. 34 is Amerigo Vespucci's Account of his First 
Voyage; 35, Cortes's Account of the City of Rlexico; 39, Cabeza de Vaca's Account of his 
Journey from the (ndf of Mexico to New Mexico in 1535; 20, Coronado's Letter to Men 
doza, 1540 ; and, 36, The Death of De Soto, from the " Narrative of a Gentleman of Elvas." 



24 

Francisco Lopez de Mendoza (Irajales, whose account of the expedition under Menendez 
which founded St. Augustine in 1565 is given in the present leaflet, was the chaplain of the 
expedition, and, tlierefore, himself a sharer in the settlement of that oldest town m the United 
States. It is the only one of the original Spanish accounts of which there is an English ver- 
sion; and this is reproduced herefrom French's " Historical Collections of Louisiana and 
Florida,"' ii. Menendez himself wrote despatches to the king, Philip IL, and these are 
preserved in the archives at Seville; and there are other Spanish accounts, of which the 
student can leam in Mr. Winsor's notes. He can also there and in the introduction to Park- 
man's "Huguenots in Florida," learn of the various French accounts of the conflicts be- 
tween the Spanish and French in Florida to which this account of Mendoza's refers and of 
("lOurgues's terrible vengeance upon the Spaniards at St. Augustine in 156S. Ribault's 
account of his voyage to Florida in 1562 was printed at London, in English, in 1565, and re- 
printed by Hakruyt in 15S2 in his " Divers Voyages." This also is included in French's 
" Historical Collections of Louisiana and Florida," ii. 

The chapter upon Ancient Florida, by John Gilmary Shea, in the " Narrative and Criti- 
ical History of America," gives a full account of the various Spanish expeditions to Florida 
and the region about the Gulf of Mexico in the sixteenth century, under Ponce de Leon, 
Narvaez, De Soto, and others, culminating in the expedition under Menendez in 1565, to 
which the present leaflet relates. When Menendez arrived in Florida, it was to find a colony 
of Frencli Huguenots there before him, already three years in occupancy ; and the conflicts 
between the two jjarties during the next three years constitute one of the bloodiest chapters 
in Americau hi.stor>'. Where Menendez hanged his Protestant prisoners, "not as Frenchmen, 
but as heretics," dourgues presently hanged the Spaniards, "not as Spaniards, but as 
traitors, robbers, and murderers." " .Spaniards and Frenchmen alike," says Parkman, " laid 
their reeking swords on God's altar." Parkman's own account of this terrible St. Augustine 
episode, " Huguenots in Florida," forms the first part of his " Pioneers of France in the New 
World"; ancHt is the best account which exists. Spain still maintained herself at St. Au- 
gustine ; but presently, two years before the Armada, the town was utterly destroyed by 
Sir Francis Drake, — a prophecy of the power which was ultimately to be supreme in I'Morida 
and America. 'I'he subsequent fortunes of St. Augustine may be followed in Fairbanks's ad- 
mirable history of the ancient town. 




<©Iti ^outlj Hcaflct^ 



No. 90. 



Amerigo Ves- 
pucci's Account 
of his Third 
Voyage. 



From his Letter to Pier Soderini, GOxNfolonier of the Rbpub- 
Lic OF Florence. 



Being afterwards in Seville, resting from so many labors 
that I had endured during these two voyages, and intend- 
ing to return to the land of pearls, Fortune showed that she 
was not content with these my labors. I know not how 
there came into the thoughts of the Most Serene King Don 
Manuel of Portugal the wish to have my services. But 
being at Seville, without any thought of going to Portugal, a 
messenger came to me with a letter from the Royal Crown, in 
which I was asked to come to Lisbon, to confer with his 
Highness, who promised to show me favor. I was not in- 
clined to go, and I despatched the messenger with a reply that 
I was not well, but that, when I had recovered, if his Highness 
still wished for my services, I would come as soon as he might 
send for me. Seeing that he could not have me, he arranged 
to send Giuliano di Bartholomeo di Giocondo for me, he being 
in Lisbon, with instructions that, come what might, he should 
bring me. The said Giuliano came to Seville, and prayed so 
hard that I was forced to go. My departure was taken ill by 
many who knew me, for I left Castile where honor was done 
me, and where the King held me in good esteem. It was 
worse that I went without bidding farewell to my host. 

When I was presented to that King, he showed his satisfac- 
tion that I had come, and asked me to go in company with 
three of his ships that were ready to depart for the discovery of 
new lands. As the request of a king is a command, I had to 



consent to whatever he asked; and we sailed from this port of 
Lisbon with three ships on the loth of March, 1501, shaping 
our course direct for the island of Grand Canary. We passed 
without sighting it, and continued along the west coast of 
Africa. On this coast we made our fishery of a sort of hsh 
called /(Ta///. We remained three days, and then came to a 
port on the coast of Ethiopia called Besechiece* which is within 
the Torrid Zone, the North Pole rising above it 14° 30', situ- 
ated in the first climate. Here we remained two days, taking 
in \vood and water ; for my intention was to shape a course 
towards the south in the Atlantic Gulf. We departed from 
this port of Ethiopia, and steered to the south-west, taking a 
quarter point to the south t until, after sixty-seven days, we 
camfe in sight of land, which was 700 leagues from the said 
port to the south-west. J In those sixty-seven days we had the 
worst time that man ever endured who navigated the seas, 
owing to the rains, perturbations, and storms that we encoun- 
tered. The season was very contrary to us, by reason of the 
course of our navigation being continually in contact with the 
equinoctial line, where, in the month of June, it is winter. We 
found that the day and the night were equal, and that the 
shadow was always towards the south. 

It pleased God to show us a new land on the 17th of Au- 
gust, and we anchored at a distance of half a league, and got 
our boats out. We then went to see the land, wiiether it was in- 
habited, and w^hat it was like. We found that it was inhabited 
by people who were worse than animals. But your Magniti- 
cence must understand that we did not see them at first, though 
we were convinced that the country was inhabited, by many 
signs observed by us. We took possession for that Most Serene 
King, and found the land to be very pleasant and fertile, and 
of good appearance. It was 5° to the south of the equinociial 
line. We went back to the ships ; and, as we were in great 
want of wood and water, we determined, next day, to return to 
the shore, with the object of obtaining what we wanted. Being 
on shore, we saw some people at the top of a hill, who were 
looking at us, but without showing any intention of coming 
down. They were naked, and of the same color and form as 
the others we had seen. We tried to induce them to come 
and speak with us, but did not succeed, as they would not 

* Beze gitiche, now Goree. Bisi\e:Itier in the Medici letter. Besilieca in tlie Latin ed. 
tS.W. is. iC. S. Roque. 



trust us. Seeing their obstinacy, and it being late, we re- 
turned on board, leaving many bells and mirrors on shore, and 
other things in their sight. As soon as we were at some dis- 
tance on the sea, they came down from the hill, and showed 
themselves to be much astonished at the things. On that day 
we were only able to obtain water. 

Next morning we saw from the ship that the people on shore 
had made a .great smoke ; and, thinking it was a signal to us, 
we went on shore, where we found that many people had come, 
but they still kept at a distance from us. They made signs to 
us that we should come inland with them. Two of our Chris- 
tians were, therefore, sent to ask their captain for leave to go 
with them a short distance inland, to see what kind of people 
they were, and if they had any riches, spices, or drugs. The 
captain was contented, so they got together many things for 
barter, and parted from us, with instructions that they should 
not be more than five days absent as we would wait that time 
for them. So they set out on their road inland, and we re- 
turned to the ships to wait for them. Nearly every day people 
came to the beach, but they would not speak with us. On the 
seventh day we went on shore, and found that they had ar- 
ranged with their women ; for, as we jumped on shore, the 
men of the- land sent many of their women to speak with us. 
Seeing that they were not reassured, we arranged to send to 
them one of our people, who was a very agile and valiant 
youth. To give them more confidence, the rest of us went 
back into the boats. He went among the women, and they all 
began to touch and feel him, wondering at him exceedingly. 
Things being so, we saw a woman come from the hill, carrying 
a great stick in her hand.* When she came to where our 
Christian stood, she raised it, and gave him such a blow that 
he was felled to the ground. The other women immediately 
took him by the feet, and dragged him towards the hill. The 
men rushed down to the beach, and shot at us with their bows 
and arrows. Our people, in great fear, hauled the boats 
towards their anchors,! which were on shore ; but, owing to 
the quantities of arrows that came into the boats, no one 
thought of taking up their arms. At last four rounds from 
the bombard were fired at them ; and they no sooner heard the 
report than they all ran away towards the hill, where the 

* " Traejta un gran palo," which is Spanish. In Italian, " portava un legno." 
t Fateixa {/atesce), a boat's ar.clior in Portuguese. 



women were still tearing the Christian to pieces. At a great 
fire they had made they roasted him before our eyes, showing 
us many pieces, and then eating them. The men made 
signs how they had killed the other two Christians and eaten 
them. What shocked us much was seeing with our eyes the 
cruelty with which they treated the dead, which was an intol- 
erable insult to all of us. 

Having arranged that more than forty of us shcfuld land and 
avenge such cruel murder and so bestial and inhuman an act, 
the principal captain would not give his consent. We departed 
from them unwillingly, and with much shame caused by the 
decision of our captain. 

We left this place, and commenced our navigation by shap- 
ing a course between east and south. Thus we sailed along 
the land, making many landings, seeing natives, but having no 
intercourse with them. We sailed on until we found that the 
coast made a turn to the west when we had doubled a cape, to 
which we gave the name of the Cape of St. Angustine.* We 
then began to shape a course to the south-west. The cape is 
distant from the place where the Christians were murdered 
150 leagues towards the east, and this cape is 8° from the equi- 
noctial line to the south. In navigating, we saw one day a 
great multitude of people on the beach, gazing at the wonderful 
sight of our ships. As we sailed, we turned the ship towards 
them, anchored in a good place, and went on shore with the 
boats. We found the people to be better conditioned than 
those we had met with before ; and, responding to our over- 
tures, they soon made friends, and treated with us. We were 
five days in this place, and found canna fistola very thick and 
green, and dry on the tops of the trees. We determined to 
take a pair of men from this place, that they might teach us 
their language, and three of them came voluntarily to go to 
Portugal. 

Lest your Magnificence should be tired of so much writing, 
you must know that, on leaving this port, we sailed along on a 
westerly course, always in sight of land, continually making 
many landings, and speaking with an infinite number of people. 
We were so far south that we were outside the Tropic of Capri- 
corn, where the South Pole rises above the horizon 32°. We 
had lost sight altogether of Ursa Minor and Ursa Major, 
which were far below and scarcely seen on the horizon. f We 

*St. Augustine's Day, 28th August. t Lat. 26^, not 32^. 



5 

guided ourselves by the stars of the South Pole, which are 
numerous and much larger and brighter than those of our 
Pole. I traced the figure of the greater part of those of the 
first magnitude, with a declaration of their orbits round the 
South Pole, and of their diameters and semi-diameters, as may 
be seen in my Four Voyages. We sailed along that coast for 
750 leagues, 150 from the cape called St. Augustine to the 
west, and 600 to the south. 

Desiring to recount the things I saw on that coast, and what 
happened to us, as many more leaves would not suffice me. 
On the coast we saw an infinite number of trees, brazil wood* 
and cassia, and. those trees which yield myrrh, as well as other 
marvels of nature which I am unable to recount. Having now 
been ten months on the voyage, and having seen that there 
was no mining wealth whatever in that land, we decided upon 
taking leave of it, and upon sailing across the sea for some 
other part. Having held a consultation, it was decided that 
the course should be taken which seemed good to me ; and the 
command of the fleet was intrusted to me. I gave orders that 
the fleet should be supplied with wood and water for six 
months, such being the decision of the officers of the ships. 
Having made our departure from this land, we began our navi- 
gation with a southerly course on the 15th of February, when 
already the sun moved towards the equinoctial, and turned 
towards our Hemisphere of the North. We sailed so far on 
this course that we found ourselves where the South Pole had 
a height above our horizon of 52°, and we could no longer see 
the stars of Ursa Minor or of Ursa Major. We were then 500 
leagues to the south of the port whence we had departed, and 
this was on the 3rd of April. On this day such a tempest 
arose on the sea that all our sails were blown away, and we ran 
under bare poles, with a heavy southerly gale and a tremendous 
sea, the air being very tempestuous. The gale was such that all 
the people in the fleet were much alarmed. The nights were 
very long, for the night we had on the 7th of April lasted fif- 
teen hours, the sun being at the end of Aries, and in that 
region it was winter, as your Magnificence will be well aware. 
Sailing in this storm, on the 7th of April we came in sight of 
new land,t along which we ran for nearly 20 leagues, and 

* Verzino. 

t Varnhagen thinks this was South Georgia, so named by Cook in Jan., 1775, in 54° S. 
Navarrete suggests Tristan d'Acunha. Vespucci says that 50° was the furthest limit he 
reached to the south, along the coast, in the Medici letter, but that he then sailed to within 
17° 30' of the S. Pole, or 73° 30' ^•\— Markhavt. 



found it all a rocky coast, without any port or inhabitants. I 
believe this was because the cold was so great that no one in 
the fleet could endure it. Finding ourselves in such peril, and 
in such a storm that we could scarcely see one ship from an- 
other, owing to the greatness of the waves and the blinding 
mist, it was agreed with the principal captain that a signal 
should be made to the ships that they should make for land, 
and then shape a course for Portugal. This was very good 
counsel, for it is certain that, if we had delayed another night, 
all would have been lost ; for, as we wore round on the next 
day, we w^ere met by such a storm that we expected to be 
sw'amped. We had to undertake pilgrimages and perform 
other ceremonies, as is the custom of sailors at such times. 
We ran for five days, always coming towards the equinoctial 
line, where the air and sea became more temperate. It 
pleased God to deliver us from such peril. " Our course was 
now betw^een the north and north-east, for our intention was to 
reach the coast of Ethiopia, our distance from it being 300 
leagues, in the Gulf of the Atlantic Sea. By the grace of God, 
on the loth day of May, we came in sight of land, where we 
were able to refresh ourselves, the land being called La Ser?'a 
Liona. We were there fifteen days, and thence shaped a 
course to the islands of the Azores^ which are distant nearly 
750 leagues from that Serra. We reached the islands in the 
end of July, where we remained fifteen days, taking some recre- 
ation. Thence we departed for Lisbon, distant 300 leagues 
to the west, and arrived at that port of Lisbon on the 7th of 
September, 1502, may God be thanked for our salvation, with 
only tw^o ships. We burnt the other at Scrra Liona, because 
she was no longer seaworthy. We were employed on this voy- 
age nearly fifteen months ; and for eleven days w^e navigated 
without seeing the North Star, nor the Great or Little Bears, 
which they call el for/io, and we were guided by the stars of the 
other Pole. This is what I saw on this voyage. 



Letter on his Third Voyage from Amerigo Vespucci to Lo- 
renzo PiETRO Francesco di Medici. 

March [or April), 1503. 

Alberico Vesputio to Lorenzo Pietro di Medici, salutation. 
In past days I wrote very fully to you of my return from the 
new countries, which have been found and explored with the 
ships, at the cost, and by the command, of this Most Serene 
King of Portugal ; and it is lawful to call it a new world, be- 
cause none of these countries were known to our ancestors, 
and to all who hear about them they will be entirely new. 
For the opinion of the ancients was that the greater part of 
the world beyond the equinoctial line to the south was not 
land, but only sea, which they have called the Atlantic ; and, if 
they have affirmed that any continent is there, they have given 
many reasons for denying that it is inhabited. But this their 
opinion is false, and entirely opposed to the truth. My last 
voyage has proved it, for I have found a continent in that 
southern part, more populous and more full of animals than 
our Europe or Asia or Africa, and even more temperate and 
pleasant than any other region known to us, as will be ex- 
plained further on. I shall write succinctly of the principal 
things only, and the things most worthy of notice and of being 
remembered, which I either saw or heard of in this new world, 
as presently will become manifest. 

We set out, on a prosperous voyage, on the 14th of May,"^ 
1 501, sailing from Lisbon, by order of the aforesaid King, 
with three ships, to discover new countries towards the w^est ; 
and we sailed towards the south continuously for twenty 
months.! Of this navigation the order is as follows : Our 
course was for the Fortunate Islands, so called formerly, but 
now we called them the Grand Canary Islands, which are in 
the third climate, and on the confines of the inhabited west. 
Thence we sailed rapidly over the ocean along the coast of 
Africa and part of Ethiopia to the Ethiopic Promontory, so 
called by Ptolemy, which is now called Cape Verde, and by 
the Ethiopians Biseghier, and that country Mandraga, 13° 
within the Torrid Zone, on the north side of the equinoctial 

* loth of March in the other letter. 

t This should be ten months, accordinsi to the other letter. 



line. The country is inhabited by a black race. Having 
taken on board what we required, we weighed our anchors and 
made sail, taking our way across the vast ocean towards the 
Antarctic Pole, with some westing. From the day when we 
left the before-mentioned promontory, we sailed for the space 
of two months and three days.* Hitherto no land had ap- 
peared to us in that vast sea. In truth, how much we had 
suffered, what dangers of shipwreck, I leave to the judgment 
of those to whom the experience of such things is very well 
known. What a thing it is to seek unknown lands, and how 
difficult, being ignorant, to narrate briefly what happened ! It 
should be known that, of the sixty-seven days of our voyage, 
we were navigating continuously forty-four. We had copious 
thunderstorms and perturbatiosis, and it was so dark that we 
never could see either the sun in the day or the moon at night. 
This caused us great fear, so that we lost all hope of life. In 
these most terrible dangers of the sea it pleased the Most 
High to show us the continent and the new countries, being 
another unknown world. These things being in sight, we 
were as much rejoiced as any one may imagine who, after 
calamity and ill-fortune, has obtained safety. 

It was on the 7th of August, t 1501, that we reached those 
countries, thanking our Lord God with solemn prayers, and 
celebrating a choral Mass. We knew that land to be a conti- 
nent, and not an island, from its long beaches extending with- 
out trending round, the infinite number of inhabitants, the 
numerous tribes and peoples, the numerous kinds of wild ani- 
mals unknown in our country, and many others never seen be- 
fore by us, touching which it would take long to make refer- 
ence. The clemency of God was shown forth to us by being 
brought to these regions ; for the ships were in a leaking 
state, and in a few days our lives might have been lost in the 
sea. To Him be the honor and glory, and the grace of the 
action. 

We took counsel, and resolved to navigate along the coast 
of this continent towards the east, and never to lose sight of 
the land. We sailed along until we came to a point where the 
coast turned to the south. The distance from the landfall to 
this point was nearly 300 leagues. t In this stretch of coast 

* Seven days, according to the other letter. t 17th of August hi tlie other letter. 

t 150 leagues, according to the other letter. 



we often landed, and had friendly relations with the natives,* 
as I shall presently relate. I had forgotten to tell you that 
from Cape Verde to the first land of this continent the dis- 
tance is nearly 700 leagues; although I estimate that we 
went over more than 1,800, partly owing to ignorance of the 
route, and partly owing to the tempests and foul winds which 
drove us off our course, and sent us in various directions. If 
my companions had not trusted in me, to whom cosmography 
was known, no one, not the leader of our navigation, would 
have known where we were after running 500 leagues. We 
were wandering and full of errors, and only the instruments for 
taking the altitudes of heavenly bodies showed us our position. 
These were the quadrant and astrolabe, as known to all. 
These have been much used by me with much honor ; for I 
showed them that a knowledge of the marine chart, and the 
rules taught by it, are more worth than all the pilots in the 
world. For these pilots have no knowledge beyond those places 
to which they have often sailed. Where the said point of land 
showed us the trend of the coast to the south, we agreed to 
continue our voyage, and to ascertain what there might be in 
those regions, ^^'e sailed along the coast for nearly 500 
leagues, often going on shore and having intercourse with the 
natives, who received us in a brotherly manner. We some- 
times stayed with them for fifteen or twenty days continuously, 
as friends and guests, as I shall relate presently. Part of this 
continent is in the Torrid Zone, beyond the equinoctial hne 
towards the South Pole. But it begins at 8° beyond the equi- 
noctial. We sailed along the coast so far that we crossed the 
Tropic of Capricorn, and found ourselves where the Antarctic 
Pole was 50° above our horizon. We went towards the An- 
tarctic Circle until we were 17° 30' from it,t all of which I 
have seen, and I have known the nature of those people, their 
customs, the resources and fertility of the land, the salubrity of 
the air, the positions of the celestial bodies in the heavens, 
and, above all, the fixed stars, over an eighth of the sphere, 
never seen by our ancestors, as I shall explain below. 

As regards the people : we have found such a multitude in 
those countries that no one could enumerate them, as we read 
in the Apocalypse. They are people gentle and tractable, and 
all of both sexes go naked, not covering any part of their 

* In the other letter he tells a very different story. 

t In 17° 30' S. ! There is no such statement in the other letter. 



lO 

bodies, . . . and so they go until their deaths. They have 
large, square-built bodies, and well proportioned. Their color 
reddish, which, I think, is caused by their going naked and ex- 
posed to the sun. Their hair is plentiful and black. They are 
agile in walking, and of quick sight. They are of a free and 
good-looking expression of countenance, which they themselves 
destroy by boring the nostrils and lips, the nose and ears ; nor 
must you believe that the borings are small, nor that they only 
have one, for I have seen those who had no less than seven 
borings in the face, each one the size of a plum. They stop up 
these perforations with blue stones, bits of marble, of crystal, 
or very fine alabaster, also with very white bones and other 
things artificially prepared according to their customs, which, if 
you could see, it would appear a strange and monstrous thing. 
One had in the nostrils and lips alone seven stones, of which 
some were half a palm in length. It will astonish you to hear 
that I considered that the weight of seven such stones was 
as much as sixteen ounces. In each ear they had three per- 
forations bored, whence they had other stones and rings sus- 
pended. This custom is only for the men, as the women do 
not perforate their faces, but only their ears. . . . 

They have no cloth, either of wool, flax, or cotton, because 
they have no need of it ; nor have they any private property, 
everything being in commpn. They live amongst themselves 
without a king or ruler, each man being his own master, and 
having as many wives as they please. . . . They have no tem- 
ples and no laws, nor are they idolaters. What more can I 
say ! They live according to nature, and are more inclined to 
be Epicurean than Stoic. They have no commerce among 
each other, and they wage war without art or order. The old 
men make the youths do what they please, and incite them to 
fights, in which they mutually kill with great cruelty. They 
slaughter those who are captured, and the victors eat the van- 
quished ; for human fiesh is an ordinary article of food among 
them. You may be die more certain of this, because I have 
seen a man eat his children and wife; and I knew a man who 
was popularly credited to have eaten 300 human bodies. I 
was once in a certain city for twenty-seven days, where human 
flesh was hung up near the houses, in the same way as we 
expose butcher's meat. I say further that they were surprised 
that we did not eat our enemies, and use their fiesh as food : 
for they say it is excellent. Their arms are bows and arrows ; 



II 

and, when they go to war, they cover no part of their bodies, 
being in this Hke beasts. We did all we could to persuade 
them to desist from their evil habits, and they promised us to 
leave off. . . . 

They live for 150 years, and are rarely sick. If they are 
attacked by a disease, they cure themselves with the roots of 
some herbs. These are the most noteworthy things I know 
about them. 

The air in this country is temperate and good, as we were 
able to learn from their accounts that there are never any pes- 
tilences or epidemics caused by bad air. Unless they meet 
with violent deaths, their lives are long. I believe this is be- 
cause a southerly wind is always blowing, a south wind to them 
being what a north wind is to us. They are expert fishermen, 
and the sea is full of all kinds of fish. They are not hunters. 
I think because here there are many kinds of wild animals, 
principally lions and bears, innumerable serpents, and other 
horrible creatures and deformed beasts, also because there are 
vast forests and trees of immense size. They have not the 
courage to face such dangers naked and without any defence. 

The land is very fert^'le, abounding in many hills and valleys 
and in large rivers, and is irrigated by very refreshing springs. 
It is covered with extensive and dense forests, which are al- 
most impenetrable, and full of every kind of wild beast. Great 
trees grow without cultivation, of which many yield fruits pleas- 
ant to the taste and nourishing to the human body ; and a 
great many have an opposite effect. The fruits are unlike 
those in our country ; and there are innumerable different 
kinds of fruits and herbs, of which they make bread and excel- 
lent food. They also have many seeds unlike ours. No kind 
of metal has been found except gold, in which the country 
abounds, though we have brought none back in this our first 
navigation. The natives, however, assured us that there Was 
an immense quantity of gold underground, and nothing was to 
be had from them for a price. Pearls abound, as I wrote to 
you. 

If I was to attempt to write of all the species of animals, it 
would be a long and tedious task. I believe certainly that our 
Pliny did not touch upon a thousandth part of the animals and 
birds that exist in this region ; nor could an artist such as 
Policletus ^ succeed in painting them. All the trees are odor- 

* Policletus was not a painter. — JMarkhajn. 



12 

iferous, and some of them emit gums, oils, or other liquors. If 
they were our property, I do not doubt but that they would be 
useful to man. If the terrestrial paradise is in some part of 
this land, it cannot be very far from the coast we visited. It 
is, as I have told you, in a climate where the air is temperate 
at noon, being neither cold in winter nor hot in summer. 

The sky and air are serene during a great part of the year. 
Thick vapors, with fine rain falling, last for three or four 
hours, and then disappear like smoke. The sky is adorned 
with most beautiful signs and figures, in which I have noted as 
many as twenty stars as bright as we sometimes see Venus 
and Jupiter. I have considered the orbits and motions of 
these stars ; and I have measured the circumference and diam- 
eters of the stars by a geometrical method,* ascertaining which 
were the largest. I saw in the heaven three Canopi, two cer- 
tainly bright and the other obscure. The Antarctic Pole is not 
figured with a Great Bear and a Little Bear, like our Arctic 
Pole, nor is any bright star seen near it, and of those which go 
round in the shortest circuit there are three which have the fig- 
ure of the orthogonous triangle, of which the smallest has 
a diameter of 9 half-degrees. To the east of these is seen a 
Cauopus of great size, and white, which, when in mid-heaven, 
has this figure : — 

* s s 

s s s s 
s s s s s s 
s s s s 

canopus 



After these come two others, of which the half-circumfer- 
ence, the diameter, has 12 half-degrees; and with them is seen 
another Canopus. To these succeed six other most beautiful 
and very bright stars, beyond all the others of the eighth 
sphere, which, in the superficies of the heaven, have half the 
circumference, the diameter 32", and with them is one black 
Canopus of immense size, seen in the Milky Way, and they 
have this shape when they are on the meridian : — 

*He may mean their orbits, not the stars themselves; but in either case he is talking 
nonsense. — Slaykhani. 



13 



s s 
s s s s 

s s s s s s 
s s s 



I have known many other very beautiful stars, which I have 
diligently noted down, and have described very well in a cer- 
tain little book describing this my navigation, which at present 
is in the possession of that Most Serene King ; and I hope he 
will restore it to me. In that hemisphere I have seen things 
not compatible with the opinions of philosophers. Twice I 
have seen a white rainbow towards the middle of the night, 
which was not only observed by me, but also by all the sailors. 
Likewise we often saw the new moon on the day on which it is 
in conjunction with the sun. Every night, in that part of the 
heavens of which we speak, there were innumerable vapors 
and burning meteors. I have told you, a little way back, that, 
in the hemisphere of which we are speaking, it is not a com- 
plete hemisphere in respect to ours, because it does not take 
that form so that it may be properly called so. 

Therefore, as I have said, from Lisbon, whence we started, 
the distance from the equinoctial line is 39°; and we navigated 
beyond the equinoctial line to 50°, which together make 90°, 
which is one quarter of a great circle, according to the true 
measurement handed down to us by the ancients, so that it is 
manifest that we must have navigated over a fourth part of the 
earth. By this reasoning, we who inhabit Lisbon, at a dis- 
tance of 39° from the equinoctial line in north latitude, are to 
those who live under 50° beyond the same line, in meridional 
length, angularly 5° on a transverse line. I will explain this 
more clearly: a perpendicular line, while we stand upright, 
if suspended from a point of the heavens exactly vertical, 
hangs over our heads; but it hangs over them sideways. 
Thus, while we are on a right line, they are on a transverse 
line. An orthogonal triangle is thus formed, of which we have 
the right line ; but the base and hypothenuse to them seems 
the vertical line, as in this figure it will appear. This will 
suffice as regards cosmography. 



14 



Vertex* of our lieads. 




These are the most notable things that I have seen in this 
my last navigation, or, as I call it, the third voyage. For the 
other two voyages were made by order of the Most Serene 
King of Spain to the west, in which I noted many wonderful 
works of God, our Creator ; and, if I should have time, I in- 
tend to collect all these singular and wonderful things into a 
geographical or cosmographical book, that my record may live 
with future generations; and the immense work of the omnip- 
otent God M'ill be known, in parts still unknown, but known to 
us. I also pray that the most merciful God will prolong my 
life that, with His good grace, I may be able to make the best 
disposition of this my wish. I keep the other two journeys in 
my sanctuary ; and, the Most Serene King restoring to me the 
third journey, I intend to return to peace and my country. 
There, in consultation with learned persons, and comforted and 
aided by friends, I shall be able to complete my work. 

I ask your pardon for not having sooner been able to send 
you this my last navigation, as I had promised in my former 
letters. I believe that you will understand the cause, which 
was that I could not get the books from this Most Serene 
King. I think of undertaking a fourth voyage in the same 
direction, and promise is already made of two ships with their 
armaments, in which I may seek new regions of the East on a 
coast called Africus. In which journey I hope much to do 
God honor, to be of service to this kingdom, to secure repute 
for my old age ; and I expect no other result with the permis- 
sion of this Most Serene King. May God permit what is for 
the best, and you shall be informed of what happens. 

This letter was translated from the Italian into the Latin 
language by Jocundus, interpreter, as every one understands 
Latin who desires to learn about these voyages, and to search 

* Zctiit in the Italian version. 



15 

into the things of heaven, and to know all that is proper to be 
known ; for, from the time the world began, so much has not 
been discovered touching the greatness of the earth and what 
is contained in it. 



Italy, which was the great centre of intellectual life in Europe' in the fifteenth and six- 
teenth centuries, did nothing herself in the great work of opening the New World, and never 
had a settlement in America. Vet it is a noteworthy fact that all of the first great discoverers 
were Italians. Columbus and Amerigo Vespucci, who crossed the Atlantic in the service of 
Spain, were both Italians, the one a native of Genoa, the otiier of Florence. John Cabot, 
who first crossed in the service of England, and touciied the coast of North America in 1497, 
was, like Columbus, a native of Genoa ; but his home had been in Venice for many years, 
before he came, about 1490, to England, and settled at Bristol. Verrazzano, who commanded 
the first French expedition sent out under royal auspices (1523-24), was, like Vespucci, born 
in Florence. It is also to be remembered that Marco Polo, whose book upon the East so 
greatly influenced Columbus, was a Venetian, and that the famous astronomer, Toscanelli, 
whose advice Columbus asked, and who prepared for him the map of the world which he car- 
ried on his voyage, was an Italian, born in Florence in 1397, just a century after Marco 
Polo wrote liis book, upon whose accounts of the eastern coast of Asia and the adjacent 
islands Toscanelli based his map. 

Six of the Old South Leaflets already published relate to the discoveries of these great 
Italians: 29, The Discovery of America, from the Life of Columbus by his son, Ferdinand 
Columbus; 33, Columbus's Letter to (iabriel Sanchez, describing the First Voyage and Dis- 
covery; 71, Columbus's IMemorial to Ferdinand and Isabella; 32, Marco Polo's Account of 
Japan and Java; 17, Verrazzano's Voyage ; 37, Early Notices of the Voyages of the Cabots; 
34, Amerigo Vespucci's Accour.t of his First Voyage. 

Amerigo Vespucci, whose account of his First Voyage has already appeared in the Old 
South Series, and whose account of his Third Voyage is gi\'en in the present leaflet, was, of 
all these Italians, the one whose relations with Italy seem to have been the closest. He was 
the son of a notary at Florence, and was born March 9, 145 1, being thus four years younger 
than Columbus. He studied under his uncle, a Dominican monk of St. Marco, at Florence, 
who taught him Latin. His elder brother was sent to the university of Pavia, and became a 
scholar and an author, his eldest son rising to be professor of astrology at Pisa, and his 
second son e\entually joining his uncle Amerigo in Spain, and becoming a pilot. Amerigo 
Vespucci embraced a mercantile life in Florence, and was eventually taken into the great 
commercial house of the Medici, the head of which was Lorenzo Piero Francesco di Medici, 
who succeeded his fatiier, Lorenzo the Magnificent, in 1492. The house had transactions in 
Spain, and required experienced agents tliere. Amerigo, who was then over forty years of 
age, and Donato Niccolini were selected for this duty, and took up their residence at Cadiz 
and Seville in 1492. Amerigo became an important provision contractor, and contracted for 
one, if not for two, of the expeditions of Columbus. In 1505 Columbus wrote of him, " He 
always showed a desire to please me, and he is a very respectable man." He became a stu- 
dent of cosmograpliy and navigation, and in 1497 entered himself the field of discovery and 
exploration, making, according to his famous letters, four voyages to the New World, two 
under the auspices of the government of Spam and two under that of Portugal. In 150S he 
received the appointment of chief pilot of Spain, being ordered to prepare an authoritative 
chart, on which all discoveries are to be shown and from which the charts for all ships are to 
be copied ; and he is also to examine all pilots, and to give instruction in his house at Seville. 
In Seville he died, Feb. 22, 1512. 

The account of Amerigo's Third Voyage is given in the present leaflet, in the two forms 
in whicli it has come down to us : the first from the famous letter containing an account of 
his Four Voyages, the original Italian version of which was sent to a "Magnificent Lord," 
who is supposed to have been Piero Soderini, gonfalonier of Florence, who had been his 
fellow-student; the second, a letter to the head of the mercantile house in Florence to whicli 
he belonged, Piero Francesco di Medici. The letter to Medici, translated from Italian into 
Latin, was printed very soon after it was written, under the title " Mundus Novus,"' Vespucci 
ha\-ing said in the letter, concerning the country which he described, "it is lawful to call it a 
iieiv luorhi, because none of these countries were known to our ancestors; and to all who hear 
about them tiiey will Jje entirely new.'' A Latin translation of tlie French copy of the more 
important letter, containing the account of the Four Voyages, was published at St. Die, in Lor- 
raine, in 1507, in the " Cosmographia^ Introductio," a little book by Martin Waldseemiiller, 
the professor of cosmograpliy in tlie university there; and it was Waldseemiiller who first 
suggested tiie name A merica for the new world so graphically described by Amerigo in the 
letters. 



i6 

The controversy concerning Amerigo and his letters has been very fierce. His great de- 
fender has been Varnhagen, whose work John Fiske pronounces " the only intelligent modern 
treatise." Mr. Fiske'.s own account of Vespucci, in his " Discovery of America," vol. ii., is 
the best popular account. Clements R. Markhani, the president of the Hakluyt Society, 
from whose translation of " The Letters of Amerigo Vespucci and Other Documents illustra- 
tive of his Career" this leaflet is made up, and whose foot-notes are used with it, stoutly 
opposes Varnhagen, and is Vespucci's sharpest modern critic. The best bibliography is that 
by Winsor, appended to Sidney Howard Gay's chapter on Vespucci in the " Narrative and 
Critical History of America," vol. ii. See also notes to Old South Leaflet No. 34, re- 
ferred to above. 





<©lh M^ont^ ntailtt^ 



No. 91 



The Founding 
of Quebec. 

1608. 



From the "Voyages" of Samuel de Champlain. 



Having returned to France after a stay of three years in 
New France,* I proceeded to Sieur de Monts, and related to 
him the principal events of which I had been a witness since 
his departure, and gave him the map and plan of the most re- 
markable coasts and harbors there. 

Some time afterward Sieur de Monts determined to con- 
tinue his undertaking, and complete the exploration of the 
interior along the great river St. Lawrence, where I had been 
by order of the late King Henry the Great t in the year 1603, 
for a distance of some hundred and eighty leagues, commencing 
in latitude 48° 40', that is, at Gaspe, at the entrance of the 
river, as far as the great fall, which is in latitude 45° and some 
minutes, where our exploration ended, and where boats could 
not pass as we then thought, since we had not made a careful 
examination of it as we have since done. J 

Now, after Sieur de Monts had conferred with me several 
times in regard to his purposes concerning the exploration, he 
resolved to continue so noble and meritorious an undertaking, 
notwithstanding the hardships and labors of the past. He 
honored me with his lieutenancy for the voyage ; and, in order 
to carry out his purpose, he had two vessels equipped, one com- 

* Champlain arrived on the shores of America on the 8th of May, 1604, and left on the 
3d of September, 1607. He had consequently been on our coast three years, three months, 
and twenty-five days. Tke noies are reprinted from Slafter. 

t The late King Henry the Great. Henry IV. died in 1610; and this introductory pas- 
sage was obviously written after that event, probably near the time of the publication of his 
voyages in 161 3. 

% In the preliminary voyage of 1603, Champlain ascended the St. La\v.rence as far as the 
falls of St. Louis, above Montreal. 



manded by Pont Grave, who was commissioned to trade with 
the savages of the country and bring back the vessels, while I 
was to winter in the country. 

Sieur de Monts, for the purpose of defraying the expenses of 
the expedition, obtained letters from his Majesty for one year, 
by which all persons were forbidden to traffic in peltry with the 
savages, on penalties stated in the following commission : — 

Henry by the grace of God King of France and 
Navarre, to our beloved and faithful Councillors, the officers 
of our Admiralty in Normandy, Brittany, and Guienne, bailiffs, 
marshals, provosts, judges, or their lieutenants, and to each one 
of them, according to his authority, throughout the extent of 
their powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, greeting : 

Acting upon the information which has been given us by 
those who have returned from New France, respecting the 
good quality and fertility of the lands of that country, and 
the disposition of the people to accept the knowledge of God, 
We have resolved to continue the settlement previously un- 
dertaken there, in order that our subjects may go there to 
trade without hindrance. And in view of the proposition 
to us of Sieur de Monts, Gentleman in Ordinary of our 
chamber, and our Lieutenant-General in that country, to make 
a settlement, on condition of our giving him means and sup- 
plies for sustaining the expense of it,* it has pleased us to 
promise and assure him that none of our subjects but himself 
shall be permitted to trade in peltry and other merchandise, 
for the period of one year only, in the lands, regions, harbors, 
rivers, and highways throughout the extent of his jurisdic- 
tion : this We desire to have fulfilled. For these causes and 
other considerations impelling us thereto. We command and 
decree that each one of you, throughout the extent of your 
powers, jurisdictions, and precincts, shall act in our stead and 
carry out our will in distinctly prohibiting and forbidding all 
merchants, masters, and captains of vessels, also sailors and 
others of our subjects, of whatever rank and profession, to fit 
out any vessels, in which to go themselves or send others in 
order to engage in trade or barter in peltry and other things 
with the savages of New France, to visit, trade, or communi- 
cate with them during the space of one year, within the juris- 

*The contribution by Henry IV. did not probably extend beyond the monopoly of the 
fur-trade granted by him in this commission. 



diction of Sieur de Monts, on penalty of disobedience, and 
the entire confiscation of their vessels, supplies, arms, and 
merchandise for the benefit of Sieur de Monts ; and, in order 
that the punishment of their disobedience may be assured, 
you will allow, as We have and do allow, the aforesaid Sieur 
de Monts or his lieutenants to seize, apprehend, and arrest 
all violators of our present prohibition and order, also their 
vessels, merchandise, arms, supplies, and victuals, in order to 
take and deliver them up to the hands of justice, so that 
action may be taken not only against the persons, but also 
the property of the offenders, as the case shall require. This 
is our will, and We bid you to have it at once read and pub- 
lished in all localities and public places Within your authority 
and jurisdiction, as you may deem necessary, by the first one 
of our officers or sergeants in accordance with this requisition 
by virtue of these presents, or a copy of the same, properly at- 
tested once only by one of our well-beloved and faithful coun- 
cillors, notaries, and secretaries, to which it is our will that 
credence should be given as to the present original, in order 
that none of our subjects may claim ground for ignorance, 
but that all may obey and act in accordance with our will 
in this matter. We order, moreover, all captains of vessels, 
mates, and second mates, and sailors of the same, and others 
on board of vessels or ships in the ports and harbors of the 
aforesaid country, to permit, as We have done, Sieur de Monts, 
and others possessing power and authority from him, to search 
the aforesaid vessels which shall have engaged in the fur-trade 
after the present prohibition shall have been made known to 
them. It is our will that, upon the requisition of the afore- 
said Sieur de Monts, his lieutenants, and others having au- 
thority, you should proceed against the disobedient and of- 
fenders, as the case may require : to this end. We give you 
power, authority, commission, and special mandate, notwith- 
standing the act of our Council of the 17th day of July last,* 
any hue and cry, Norman charter, accusation, objection, or 
appeals of whatsoever kind ; on account of which and for fear 
of disregarding which, it is our will that there should be no 
delay, and, if any of these occur. We have withheld and re- 
served cognizance of the same to ourselves and our Council, 
apart from all other judges, and have forbidden and prohibited 
the same to all our courts and judges : for this is our pleasure. 

* This, we presume, was the act abrogating the charter of De Monts granted in 1603. 



Given at Paris the seventh day of January, in the year of 
grace sixteen hundred and eight, and the nineteenth of our 
reign. Signed, HENRY. 

And lower down. By the King, Delomenie. And sealed 
with the single label of the great seal of yellow wax. 

Collated with the original by me, Councillor, Notary, and 
Secretary of the King. 

I proceeded to Honfleur for embarkation, where I found the 
vessel of Pont Grave' in readiness. He left port on the 5th of 
April. I did so on the 13th, arriving at the Grand Bank on 
the 15th of May, in latitude 45° 15'. On the 26th we sighted 
Cape St. Mary,* in latitude 46° 45', on the Island of New- 
foundland. On the 27th of the month we sighted Cape St. 
Lawrence, on Cape Breton, and also the Island of St. Paul, 
distant eighty-three leagues from Cape St. Mary.t On the 
30th we sighted Isle Percee and Gaspe,1: in latitude 48° 40,' 
distant from Cape St. Lawrence from seventy to seventy-five 
leagues. 

On the 3d of June we arrived before Tadoussac, distant 
from Gaspe' from eighty to ninety leagues ; and we anchored 
in the roadstead of Tadoussac, § a league distant from the 
harbor, which latter is a kind of cove at the mouth of the 
river Saguenay, where the tide is very remarkable on ac- 
count of its rapidity, and where there are sometimes violent 
winds, bringing severe cold. It is maintained that from the 
harbor of Tadoussac it is some forty-five or fifty leagues to 

*This cape still retains its ancient name, and is situated between St. Mar}''s Bay and 
Placentia Bay. 

+ Cape St. Lawrence is the northernmost extremity of the Island of Cape Breton, and the 
Island of St. Paul is twenty miles north-east of it. 

t The Isle Percee, or pierced island, is a short distance north of the Island of Bonaven- 
ture, at the entrance of Mai liay, near the village of Percee, where there is a government 
light, (lasp^ Bay is some miles farther north. "Below the bay," says Charlevoix, "we 
jierceive a kind of island, w^hich is only a steep rock about thirty fathoms long, ten high, and 
four in breadth : it looks like part of an old wall, and they say it joined formerly to Mount 
loli, which is over against it on the continent. This rock has in the midst of it an opening 
like an arch, under wiiich a boat of Biscay may pass with its sail up; and this has given it 
the name of \\\g pierced island.'' — Letters to the Duchess of Lesdiguiircs, by P'rancis Xavier 
de Charlevoix, London, 1763, p. 12. 

§ The position in the roadstead was south-east of the harbor, so that the liarbor was seen 
on the north-west. Charlevoix calls it Moulin P>aude. The reader will find the position in- 
dicated by tlie letter M on Champlain's map of the port of Tadoussac. Baude Moulin (Baude 
Mill), directly north of it, was probably a mill privilege. Charlevoix, in 1720, anchored 
there, and asked them to show hnn the mill ; and they showed him some rocks, from which 
issued a stream of clear water. He adds, they might build a water-mill here, but probably 
it will never be done. 



the first fall on this river, which comes from the north-north- 
west. The harbor is small, and can accommodate only about 
twenty vessels. It has water enough, and is under shelter of 
the river Saguenay and a little rocky island, which is almost 
cut by the river. Elsewhere there are very high mountains, 
with little soil and only rocks and sand, thickly covered with 
such wood as fir and birch. There is a small pond near the 
harbor, shut in by mountains covered with wood. There 
are two points at the mouth : one on the south-west side, ex- 
tending out nearly a league into the sea, called Point St. 
Matthew, or otherwise Point aux Allouettes ; and another on 
the north-west side, extending out one-eighth of a league, and 
called Point of all Devils,"**" from the dangerous nature of the 
place. The winds from the south-south-east strike the har- 
bor, which are not to be feared ; but those, however, from the 
Saguenay are. The two points above mentioned are dry at 
low tide. Our vessel was unable to enter the harbor, as the 
wind and tide were unfavorable. I at once had the boat 
lowered, in order to go to the port and ascertain whether 
Pont Grave had arrived. While on the way, I met a shallop 
with the pilot of Pont Grave' and a Basque, who came to 
inform me of what bad happened to them because they at- 
tempted to hinder the Basque vessels from trading, according 
to the commission obtained by Sieur de Monts from his 
Majesty, that no vessels should trade without permission of 
Sieur de Monts, as was expressed in it ; and that, notwith- 
standing the notifications which Pont Grave made in behalf 
of his Majesty, they did not desist from forcibly carrying on 
their traffic ; and that they have used their arms and main- 
tained themselves so well in their vessel that, discharging all 
their cannon upon that of Pont Grave', and letting off many 
musket-shots, he was severely wounded, together with three of 
his men, one of whom died, Pont Grave meanwhile making no 
resistance, for at the first shower of musketry he was struck 
down. The Basques came on board of the vessel and took 
away all the cannon and arms, declaring that they would trade, 
notwithstanding the prohibition of the King, and that when 
they were ready to set out for France they would restore to 
him his cannon and ammunition, and that they were keeping 
them in order to be in a state of security. Upon hearing all 

* Pointe de tous les Diables. Now known as Pointe aux Vaches, cmvs. The point on 
the other side of the river is still caUed Pointe aux Alouettes, or Lark Point. 



these particulars, I was greatly annoyed at such a beginning, 
which we might have easily avoided. 

Now, after hearing from the pilot all these things, I asked 
him why the Basque had come on board of our vessel. He 
told me that he came in behalf of their master, named Darache, 
and his companions, to obtain assurance from me that I would 
do them no harm, when our vessel entered the harbor. 

I replied that I could not give any until I had seen Pont 
Grave'. The Basque said that, if I had need of anything in 
their power, they would assist me accordingly. What led them 
to use this language was simply their recognition of having 
done wrong, as they confessed, and the fear that they would 
not be permitted to engage in the whale-fishery. After talk- 
ing at length, I went ashore to see Pont Grave', in order to 
deliberate as to what was to be done. I found him very ill. 
He related to me in detail all that had happened. We con- 
cluded that we could only enter the harbor by force, and that 
the settlement must not be given up for this year, so that we 
considered it best, in order not to make a bad cause out of a 
just one, and thus work our ruin, to give them assurances 
on my part so, long as I should remain there, and that Pont 
Grave should undertake nothing against them, but that justice 
should be done in France, and their differences should be 
settled there. 

Darache, master of the vessel, begged me to go on board, 
where he gave me a cordial reception. After a long confer- 
ence, I secured an agreement between Pont Grave' and him, 
and required him to promise that he would undertake noth- 
ing against Pont Grave', or what would be prejudicial to the 
King and Sieur de Monts ; that, if he did the contrary, I 
should regard my promise as null and void. This was agreed 
to, and signed by each. 

In this place were a number of savages who had come for 
traffic in furs, several of whom came to our vessel with their 
canoes, which are from eight to nine paces long, and about a 
pace or pace and a half broad in the middle, growing nar- 
rower towards the two ends. They are very apt to turn 
over, in case one does not understand managing them, and 
are made of birch bark, strengthened on the inside by little 
ribs of white cedar, very neatly arranged. They are so light 
that a man can easily carry one. Each can carry a weight 
equal to that of a pipe. When they want to go overland to a 



river where they have business, they carry tliem with them. 
From Choiiacoet along the coast as far as the harbor of 
Tadoussac, they are all alike. 

After this agreement, I had some carpenters set to work to 
fit up a little barque of twelve or fourteen tons, for carrying all 
that was needed for our settlement, which, however, could not 
be got ready before the last of June. 

Meanwhile I managed to visit some parts of the river 
Saguenay, a fine river, which has the incredible depth of some 
one hundred and fifty to two hundred fathoms.^ About fifty 
leagues from the mouth of the harbor there is, as is said, a 
great waterfall, descending from a very high elevation with 
great impetuosity. There are some islands in this river, very 
barren, being only rocks covered with small firs and heathers. 
It is half a league broad in places, and a quarter of a league 
at its mouth, where the current is so strong that at three- 
quarters flood-tide in the river it is still running out. All 
the land that I have seen consists only of mountains and 
rocky promontories, for the most part covered with fir and 
birch, a very unattractive country on both sides of the river. 
In a word, it is mere wastes, uninhabited by. either animals 
or birds; for, going out hunting in places which seemed to 
me the most pleasant, I found only some very small birds, such 
as swallows and river birds, which go there in summer. At 
other times there are none whatever, in consequence of the 
excessive cold. This river flows from the north-west. 

The savages told me that, after passing the first fall, they 
meet with eight others, when they go a day's journey with- 
out finding any. Then they pass ten others, and enter a 
lake,t which they are three days in crossing, and they are 
easily able to make ten leagues a day up stream. At the end 
of the lake there dwells a migratory people. Of the three 

*The deepest sounding as laid down on Laurie's Chart is one hundred and forty-six 
fathoms. The same authority says the banks of the river throughout its course are very 
rocky, and vary in height from one hundred and seventy to tliree hundred and forty yards 
above the stream. Its current is broad, deep, and uncommonly veliement. In some 
places, where precipices intervene, are falls from fifty to sixty feet in height, down which the 
whole volume of water rushes with tremendous fury and noise. The general breadth of the 
river is about two and a half miles, but at its mouth its width is contracted to three-quarters 
of a mile. The tide runs upward about sixty-five miles from its mouth. 

t If the Indians were three days in crossing Lake St. John here referred to, whose length 
is variously stated to be from twenty-five to forty miles, it could hardly have been the 
shortest time in which it were possible to pass it. It may have been the usual time, some of 
which they gave to fishing or hunting. " In 1647, Father Jean Duquen, missionary at Ta- 
doussac, ascending the Saguenay, discovered the Lake St John, and noted its Indian name, 
Picouagami, cur Flat Lake. He was the first European who beheld that magnificent expanse 
of inland water." — I'ide Transactions Lit. and His. Soc. of Quebec, 1867-6S, p. 5. 



rivers which flow into this lake, one comes from the north, 
very near the sea, where they consider it much colder than in 
their own country ; and the other two from other directions 
in the interior,* where are migratory savages, living only 
from hunting, and where our savages carry the merchandise 
we give them for their furs, such as beaver, marten, lynx, and 
otter, which are found there in large numbers, and which 
they then carry to our vessels. These people of the north 
report to our savages that they see the salt sea ; and, if that 
is true, as I think it certainly is, it can be nothing but a 
gulf entering the interior on the north.! The savages say 
that the distance from the north sea to the port of Tadoussac 
is perhaps forty-five or fifty days' journey, in consequence of 
the difficulties presented by the roads, rivers, and country, 
which is very mountainous, and where there is snow for the 
most part of the year. This is what I have definitely ascer- 
tained in regard to this river. I have often wished to explore 
it, but could not do so without the savages, who were unwill- 
ing that I or any of our party should accompany them. 
Nevertheless, they have promised that I shall do so. This 
exploration would be desirable, in order to remove the doubts 
of many persons in regard to the existence of this sea on the 
north, where it is maintained that the English have gone in 
these latter years to find a way to China. | 

I set out from Tadoussac the last day of the month to go 
to Quebec. § We passed near an island called Hare Island, || 

* The first of these three rivers, which the traveller will meet as he passes up the northern 
shore of the lake, is the Peribonca flowing from the north-east. The second is the Mis- 
tassina, represented by the Indians as coming from the salt sea. The third is the Chomou- 
chonan, flowing from the north-west. 

t There was doubtless an Indian trail from the head- waters of the Mistassina to Mistassin 
Lake, and from tiience to Rupert River, which flows into the lower part of Hudson's Bay. 

J The salt sea referred to by the Indians was undoubtedly Hudson's Bay. The dis- 
coverer of this bay, Henry Hudson, in the years 1607, 160S, and 1609, was in tlie northern 
ocean searching for a passage to Cathay, in 1610 he discovered the strait and bay which 
now bear his name. He passed the winter in the southern part of the bay; and the next 
year, 161 1, his sailors in a mutiny forced him and liis ofiicers into a shallop, and abandoned 
them to perish. Nothing was heard of them afterward. The fame of Hudson's discovery 
iiad reached Champlain before the publication of this volume in 1613. This will be apparent 
by comparing Cliamplain's small map with the Tabula Nautica of Hudson, published in 
1612. It will be seen that the whole of the Carte Geographique de la Nouvelle France of 
Champlain, on the west of Lumley's Inlet, including Hudson's Strait and Bay, is a copy from 
the Tabula Nautica. Even tlie names are in Knglisli, a few characteristic ones being omitted, 
such as Prince Henry, the King's Forlant, and Cape Cliarles. — I'ide Henry Hudson the 
Navig^ator, by G. M. Asher, LL.D., Hakluyt Society, i86o, p. xliv. 

§This was June 30, 1608. 

II Isle aux Lik'res, or hares. This name was given by Jacques Cartier, and it is still 
called Hare Island. It is about ten geographical miles long, and generally about half or 
three-quarters of a mile wide. 



distant six leagues from the above-named port : it is two 
leagues from the northern, and nearly four leagues from the 
southern shore. From Hare Island we proceeded to a little 
river, dry at low tide, up which some seven hundred or eight 
hundred paces there are two falls. We named it Salmon 
River,* since we caught some of these fish in it. Coasting 
along the north shore, we came to a point extending into the 
river, which we called Cap Dauphin,t distant three leagues 
from Salmon River. Thence we proceeded to another, which 
we named Eagle Cape,t distant eight leagues from Cap 
Dauphin. Between the two there is a large bay,§ at the ex- 
tremity of which is a little river dry at low tide. From Eagle 
Cape w^e proceeded to Isle aux Coudres, || a good league dis- 
tant, which is about a league and a half long. It is nearly 
level, and grows narrower towards the two ends. On the 
western side there are meadows, and rocky points extending 
some distance out into the river. On the south-west side it 
is very reefy, yet very pleasant in consequence of the woods 
surrounding it. It is distant about half a league from the 
northern shore, where is a little river extending some distance 
into the interior. We named it Riviere du Gouffre,1[ since 
abreast of it the tide runs with extraordinary rapidity ; and, 
although it has a calm appearance, it is always much agi- 
tated, the depth there being great : but the river itself is 
shallow, and there are many rocks at and about its mouth. 
Coasting along from Isle aux Coudres, we reached a cape 
which we named Cap de Tourmente,** five leagues distant ; 

* Riviere aux Saiihnons. "From all appearances," says Laverdiere, "this Salmon 
River is that which empties into the ' Port a TEquilles,' eel harbor, also called ' Port aux 
Quilles,' Skittles Port. Its mouth is two leagues from Cape Salmon, with which it must not 
be confounded." It is now known as Black River. 

t Cap Dauphin, now called Cape Salmon, which is about three leagues from Black 
River. 

X Cap a I'A igle, now known as Cap aux Oies, or Goose Cape. The Eagle Cape of 
to-day is little more than two leagues from Cape Salmon, while Goose Cape is about eight 
leagues, as stated in the text. 

§ The bay stretching between Cape Salmon and Goose Cape is called Mai Bay, within 
which are Cape Eagle, Murray Bay, Point au Pies, White Cape, Red Cape, Blacky Cape, 
Point Pere, Point Comeille, and Little Mai Bay. In the rear of Goose Cape are les Eboule- 
mens Mountains, 2,547 feet in height. On the opposite side of the river is Point Quelle, and 
the river of the same name. 

II Isle aux Coudres, Hazel Island, so named by Jacques Cartier, still retains its ancient 
appellation. Its distance from Goose Cape is about two leagues. The description of it in 
the text is very accurate. 

^\ Riz'iere du Gotiff're, This river still retains this name, signifying whirlpool, and is the 
same that empties into St. Paul's Bay, opposite Isle aux Coudres. 

** Cap de Tourmefite, cape of the tempest, is eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres, but 
about two from the Isle of Orleans, as stated in the text, which sufficiently identifies it. 



10 

and we gave it this name because, however Httle wind there 
may be, the water rises there as if it were full tide. At this 
point the water begins to be fresh. Thence we proceeded to 
the Island of Orleans,* a distance of two leagues, on the 
south side of which are. numerous islands, low, covered with 
trees and very pleasant, with large meadows, having plenty 
of game, some being, so far as I could judge, two leagues in 
length, others a trifle more or less. About these islands are 
many rocks, also very dangerous shallows, some two leagues 
distant from the main land on the south. All this shore, both 
north and south, from Tadoussac to the Island of Orleans, is 
mountainous, and the soil very poor. The wood is pine, fir, 
and birch only, with very ugly rocks, so that in most places 
one could not make his way. 

Now we passed along south of the Island of Orleans, which 
is a league and a half distant from the main land and half a 
league on the north side, being six leagues in length, and one 
in breadth, or in some places a league and a half. On the 
north side, it is very pleasant, on account of the great extent 
of woods and meadows there; but it is very dangerous sailing, 
in consequence of the numerous points and rocks between 
the main land and island, on which are numerous fine oaks 
and in some places nut-trees, and on the borders of the woods 
vines and other trees such as we have in France. This place 
is the commencement of the fine and fertile country of the 
great river, and is distant one hundred and twenty leagues 
from its mouth. Off the end of the island is a torrent of 
water on the north shore, proceeding from a lake ten leagues 
in the interior : t it comes down from a height of nearly twenty- 

* Isle d' Orleans. Cartier discovered this island in 1^35, and named it the Island of 
Bacchus, because he saw vines growing there, which he had not before seen in that region. 
He says, " Et pareillement y trouuasmes force vignes, ce que n'auyons \eu par cy deuant 
a toute la terre, <!(: par ce la nommasmes I'ysle de Bacchus.''— Brief 'Rccit tie la Xavii^aiion 
Faite en .mdxxxv., par Jacques Cartier, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1S63, pp. 14, 15. The grape 
found here was probably the Frost Grape, I'itis cordi/olia. The " Island of Orleans" soon 
became the fixed name of this island, which it still retains. Its Indian name is said to have 
been Mini^^o.— Vide Laverdiere's interesting note, iEuvres de Champlain, tome ii. p. 24. 
Champlain's estimate of the size of the island is nearly accurate. It is, according to the 
Admiralty charts, .seventeen marine miles in length, and four in its greatest width. 

t This was the river Montmorency, which rises in Snow Lake, some fifty miles in the in- 
terior. — / 'ide Champlain's reference on his map of Quebec and its environs. He gave this 
name to the river, which it still retahis, in honor of the Admiral Montmorency, to whom he 
dedicated his notes on the voyage of 1603. / 'ide Laverdicrc, in loco ; also Champlaiu, ed. 
1632; Charlevoix's Letters, London, 1763, p. 19. The following is Jean .Alfonse's descrip- 
tion of the fall of Montmorency: " When thou art come to the end of the Isle, thou shalt see 
a great River, which falletii fifteen or twenty fathoms downe from a rocke, and maketh a 
terrible no'ist.''''— Haklityt, vol. iii. p. 293. The perpendicular descent of the Montmorency 
at the falls is 240 feet. 



II 

five fathoms, above which the land is level and pleasant, al- 
though farther inland are seen high mountains appearing to be 
from fifteen to twenty leagues distant. 

From the Island of Orleans to Quebec the distance is a 
league. I arrived there on the 3d of July, when I searched for 
a place suitable for our settlement ; but I could find none more 
convenient or better situated than the point of Quebec, so 
called by the savages,* which was covered with nut-trees. I at 
once employed a portion of our workmen in cutting them 
down, that we might construct our habitation there : one I set 
to sawing boards, another to making a cellar and digging 
ditches, another I sent to Tadoussac with the barque to get 
supplies. The first thing we made was the storehouse for 
keeping under cover our supplies, which was promptly accom- 
plished through the zeal of all, and my attention to the work. 

Some days after my arrival at Quebec a locksmith con- 
spired against the service of the king. His plan was to put 
me to death, and, getting possession of our fort, to put it into 
the hands of the Basques or Spaniards, then at Tadoussac, 
beyond which vessels cannot go, from not having a knowledge 
of the route, nor of the banks and rocks on the way. 

In order to execute his wretched plan, by which he hoped 
to make his fortune, he suborned four of the worst characters, 
as he supposed, telling them a thousand falsehoods, and pre- 
senting to them prospects of acquiring riches. 

These four men, having been won over, all promised to act 
in such a manner as to gain the rest over to their side, so 
that, for the time being, I had no one with me in whom I could 
put confidence, which gave them still more hope of making 
their plan succeed ; for four or five of my companions, in 
whom they knew that I put confidence, were on board of 
the barques, for the purpose of protecting the provisions and 
supplies necessary for our settlement. 

In a word, they were so skilful in carrying out their 

*Champlain here plainly means to say that the Indians call the narrow place in the 
river Qiiebec. For this meaning of the word, viz. narrowing of waters, in the Algonquin 
language, the authority is abundant. Laverdiere quotes, as agreeing with him in this view, 
Bellenger, Ferland, and Lescarbot. "The narrowing of the river," says Charlevoix, "gave 
it the name of Qiiebeio, or Quebec, which in the Algonquin language signifies co7itraction. 
The Abenaquis, whose language is a dialect of the Algonquin, call it Quelibec, which signifies 
something shut up." — Charlevoix's Letters, pp. i8, ig. Alfred Hawkins, in his " Historical 
Recollections of Quebec,'' regards the word of Norman origin, which he finds on a seal of 
the Duke of Suffolk, as early as 1420. The theory is ingenious; but it requires some other 
characteristic historical facts to challenge our belief. When Cartier visited Quebec, it was 
called by the natives Stadacone.— Vide Cartier s Brief Recit, 1545, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 
1863, p. 14. 



12 

intrigues \vith those who remained that they were on the 
point of gaining all over to their cause, even my lackey, prom- 
ising them many things which they could not have fulfilled. 

Being now all agreed, they made daily different plans as to 
how they should put me to death, so as not to be accused of 
it, which they found to be a difficult thing. But the devil, 
blindfolding them all and taking away their reason and every 
possible ditficulty, they determined to take me while unarmed, 
and strangle me, or to give a false alarm at night, and shoot 
me as I went out, in which manner they judged that they 
woulH accomplish their work sooner than otherwise. They 
made a mutual promise not to betray each other, on penalty 
that the first one who opened his mouth should be poniarded. 
They were to execute their plan in four days, before the arrival 
of our barques, otherwise they would have been unable to carry 
out their scheme. 

On this very day one of our barques arrived, with our pilot. 
Captain Testu, a very discreet man. After the barque was un- 
loaded, and ready to return to Tadoussac, there came to him 
a locksmith, named Natel, an associate of Jean du Val, the 
head of the conspiracy, who told him that he had promised 
the rest to do just as they did, but that he did not in fact 
desire the execution of the plot, yet did not dare to make a dis- 
closure in regard to it from fear of being poniarded. 

Antoine Natel made the pilot promise that he would make 
no disclosure in regard to what he should say, since, if his 
companions should discover it, they would put him to death. 
The pilot gave him his assurance in all particulars, and asked 
him to state the character of the plot which they wished to 
carry out. This Natel did at length, when the pilot said to 
him : " My friend, you have done well to disclose such a ma- 
licious design, and you show that you are an upright man, and 
under the guidance of the Holy Spirit. But these things 
cannot be passed by without bringing them to the knowledge 
of Sieur de Champlain, that he may make provision against 
them ; and I promise you that I will prevail upon him to 
pardon you and the rest. And I will at once," said the pilot, 
" go to him without exciting any suspicion ; and do you go 
about your business, listening to all they may say, and not 
troubling yourself about the rest." 

The pilot came at once to me, in a garden which I was 
having prepared, and said that he wished to speak to me in a 



private place, where we could be alone. I readily assented, 
and we went into the wood, where he related to me the whole 
affair. I asked who had told it to him. He begged me to 
pardon him who had made the disclosure, which I consented 
to do, although he ought to have addressed himself to me. 
He was afraid, he replied, that you would become angry, and 
harm him. I told him that I was able to govern myself 
better than that in such a matter, and desired him to have 
the man come to me, that I might hear his statement. He 
went, and brought him all trembling with fear lest I should 
do him some harm. I reassured him, telling him not to be 
afraid, that he was in a place of safety, and that I should 
pardon him for all that he had done, together with the others, 
provided he would tell me in full the truth in regard to the 
whole matter, and the motive which had impelled them to it. 
"Nothing," he said, "had impelled them, except that they 
had imagined that, by giving up the place into the hands of 
the Basques or Spaniards, they might all become rich, and 
that they did not want to go back to France." He also 
related to me the remaining particulars in regard to their 
conspiracy. 

After having heard and questioned him, I directed him to 
go about his work. Meanwhile I ordered the pilot to bring 
up his shallop, which he did. Then I gave two bottles of 
wine to a young man, directing him to say to these four 
worthies, the leaders of the conspiracy, that it was a present 
of wine, which his friends at Tadoussac had given him, and 
t,hat he wished to share it with them. This they did not 
decline, and at evening were on board the barque where he 
was to give them the entertainment. I lost no time in going 
there shortly after, and caused them to be seized and held 
until the next day. 

Then were my worthies astonished indeed. I at once had 
all get up, for it was about ten o'clock in the evening, and 
pardoned them all on condition that they would disclose to me 
the truth in regard to all that had occurred, which they did, 
when I had them retire. 

The next day I took the depositions of all, one after the 
other, in the presence of the pilot and sailors of the vessel, 
which I had put down in writing ; and they were well pleased, 
as they said, since they had lived only in fear of each other, 
especially of the four knaves who had ensnared them. But 



14 

now they lived in peace, satisfied, as they declared, with the 
treatment which they had received. 

The same day I had six pairs of handcuffs made for the 
authors of the conspiracy : one for our surgeon, named Bon- 
nerme, one for another, named La Taille, whom the four con- 
spirators had accused, which, however, proved false, and conse- 
quently they w^ere given their liberty. 

This being done, I took my w^orthies to Tadoussac, begging 
Pont Grave to do me the favor of guarding them, since 1 had 
as yet no secure place for keeping them, and as we were 
occupied in constructing our places of abode. Another object 
was to consult with him, and others on the ship, as to what 
should be done in the premises. We suggested that, after he 
had finished his work at Tadoussac, he should come to Quebec 
with the prisoners, where we should have them confronted with 
their witnesses, and, after giving them a hearing, order justice 
to be done according to the offence which they had committed. 

I went back the next day to Quebec, to hasten the com- 
pletion of our storehouse, so as to secure our provisions, 
which had been misused by all those scoundrels, who spared 
nothing, without reflecting how they could find more w-hen 
these failed ; for I could not obviate the difficulty until the 
storehouse should be completed and shut up. 

Pont Grave arrived some time after me, with the prisoners, 
which caused uneasiness to the workmen who remained, since 
they feared that I should pardon them, and that they would 
avenge themselves upon them for revealing their wicked 
design. 

We had them brought face to face, and they affirmed 
before them all which they had stated in their depositions, the 
prisoners not denying it, but admitting that they had acted 
in a wicked manner, and should be punished, unless mercy 
might be exercised towards them ; accusing, above all, Jean 
du Val, who had been trying to lead them into such a con- 
spiracy from the time of their departure from France. Du 
Val knew not what to say, except that he deserved death, 
that all stated in the depositions was true, and that he begged 
for mercy upon himself and the others, who had given in their 
adherence to his pernicious purposes. 

After Pont Grave' and I, the captain of the vessel, surgeon, 
mate, second mate, and other sailors had heard their deposi- 
tions and face to face statements, we adjudged that it would 



15 

be enough to put to death Du Val, as the instigator of the 
conspiracy ; and that he might serve as an example to those 
who remained, leading them to deport themselves correctly 
in future, in the discharge of their duty ; and that the Span- 
iards and Basques, of whom there were large numbers in the 
country, might not glory in the event. We adjudged that 
the three others be condemned to be hung, but that they 
should be taken to France and put into the hands of Sieur 
de Monts, that such ample justice might be done them as he 
should recommend ; that they should be sent with all the evi- 
dence and their sentence, as well as that of Jean du Val, who 
was strangled and hung at Quebec, and his head was put on 
the end of a pike, to be set up in the most conspicuous place 
on our fort. 

After all these occurrences, Pont Grave set out from Quebec, 
on the 1 8th of September, to return to France with the three 
prisoners. After he had gone, all who remained conducted 
themselves correctly in the discharge of their duty. 

I had the work on our quarters continued, which was 
composed of three buildings of two stories. Each one was 
three fathoms long, and two and a half wide. The store- 
house was six fathoms long and three wide, with a fine cellar 
six feet deep. I had a gallery made all around our buildings, 
on the outside, at the second story, which proved very con- 
venient. There were also ditches, fifteen feet wide and six 
deep. On the outer side of the ditches I constructed several 
spurs, which enclosed a part of the dwelling, at the points 
where we placed our cannon. Before the habitation there is 
a place four fathoms wide and six or seven long, looking out 
upon the river-bank. Surrounding the habitation are very 
good gardens, and a place on the north side some hundred or 
hundred and twenty paces long and fifty or sixty wide. More- 
over, near Quebec, there is a little river, coming from a lake 
in the interior,^ distant six or seven leagues from our settle- 

*The river St. Charles flows from a lake in the interior of the same name. It was 
called by the Montagnais, according to Sagard as cited by Laverdiere, ?« loco, " Cabirecou- 
bat, because it turns and forms several points." Cartier named it the Holy Cross, or St. 
Croix, because, he says, he arrived there " that day'' ; that is, the day on which the exaltation 
of the Cross is celebrated, the 14th of September, 1535. — Vide Cartier, Hakiuyt, vol. iii. 
p. 266. The Recollects gave it the name of St. Charles, after the grand vicar of Pontoise, 
Charles des Boues. — Laverdiere, in loco. Jacques Cartier wintered on the north shore of 
the St. Charles, which he called the St. Croix, or the Holy Cross, about a league from 
Quebec. " Hard by, there is, in that riuer, one place very narrow, deep, and swift running, 
but it is not passing the third part of a league, ouer against the which there is a goodly high 
piece of land, with a towne therehi ; and the country about it is very well tilled and wrought, 
and as good as possibly can be scene. This is the place and abode of Donnacona, and of 



i6 

ment. I am of opinion that this river, which is north a quarter 
north-west from our settlement, is the place where Jacques 
Cartier wintered,* since there are still, a league up the river, 
remains of what seems to have been a chimney, the founda- 
tion of which has been found, and indications of there hav- 
ing been ditches surrounding their dwelling, which w^as 
small. We found, also, large pieces of hewn, worm-eaten 
timber, and some three or four cannon-balls. All these 
things show clearly that there was a settlement there founded 
by Christians ; and what leads me to say and believe that it 
was that of Jacques Cartier is the fact that there is no evi- 
dence whatever that any one wintered and built a house in 
these places except Jacques Cartier, at the time of his discov- 
eries. This place, as I think, must have been called St. 
Croix, as he named it ; which name has since been trans- 
ferred to another place fifteen leagues west of our settlement. 
But there is no evidence of his having wintered in the place 
now called St. Croix, nor in any other there, since in this 
direction there is no river or other place large enough for 
vessels except the main river or that of which I spoke above ; 
here there is half a fathom of water at low tide, many rocks, 
and a bank at the mouth ; for vessels, if kept in the main river, 
where there are strong currents and tides, and ice in the win- 
ter, drifting along, would run the risk of being lost ; especially 
as there is a sandy point extending out into the river, and 
filled with rocks, between which we have found, within the 
last three years, ^ passage not before discovered ; but one 
must go through cautiously, in consequence of the dangerous 
points there. This place is exposed to the north-west winds ; 
and the river runs as if it were a fall, the tide ebbing two and 
a half fathoms. There are no signs of buildings here, nor 
any indications that a man of judgment would settle in this 
place, there being many other better ones, in case one were 
obliged to make a permanent stay. I have been desirous of 
speaking at length on this point, since many believe that the 
abode of Jacques Cartier was here, which I do not believe, 
for the reasons here given ; for Cartier would have left to 

our two men we took in our first voyage, it is called Stabacona, . . . vnder which towne to- 
ward the North the rtuer and port of the holy crosse is, where we staied from the 15 of Sep- 
tember vntil the 16 of May, 1536, and there our ships remained dry as we said before.'' — 
Vide Jacques Cartier, Second Voyage, Hakluyt, vol. iii. p. 277. 

*The spot where Jacques Cartier wintered was at the junction of the river Lairet and the 
St. Charles. 



17 

posterity a narrative of the matter, as he did in the case of 
all he saw and discovered ; and I maintain that my opinion 
is the true one, as can be shown by the history which 
he has left in writing. 

As still further proof that this place now called St. Croix is 
not the place where Jacques Cartier wintered, as most persons 
think, this is what he says about it in his discoveries, taken 
from his history ; namely, that he arrived at the Isle aux 
Coudres on the 5th of December,* 1535, which he called by 
this name, as hazel-nuts were found there. There is a strong 
tidal current in this place ; and he says that it is three leagues 
long, but it is quite enough to reckon a league and a half. 
On the 7 th of the month, Notre Dame Day,t he set out 
from this island to go up the river, in which he saw fourteen 
islands, distant seven or eight leagues from Isle aux Coudres 
on the south. He errs somewhat in this estimation, for it 
is not more than three leagues. I He also says that the 
place where the islands are is the commencement of the land 
or province of Canada, and that he reached an island ten 
leagues long and five wide, where extensive fisheries are car- 
ried on, fish being here, in fact, very abundant, especially the 
sturgeon. But its length is not more than six leagues, and its 
breadth two, — a fact well recognized now. He says also that 
he anchored between this island and the main land on the 
north, the smallest passage, and a dangerous one, where he 
landed two savages whom he had taken to France, and that, 
after stopping in this place some time with the people of the 
country, he sent for his barques and went farther up the river 
with the tide, seeking a harbor and place of security for his 
ships. He says, farther, that they went on up the river, 
coasting along this island, the length of which he estimates at 
ten leagues ; and after it was passed they found a very fine 
and pleasant bay, containing a little river and bar harbor, 
which they found very favorable for sheltering their vessels. 

* Cartier discovered the Isle of Coudres, that is, the isle of filberts or hazel-nuts, on the 
6th of September, 1535. — Vide Cartier, 1545, D'Avezac ed., Paris, 1863, p. 12. This island 
is five nautical miles long, which agrees with the statement of Champlain, and its greatest 
width is two miles and a quarter. 

t Notre Dame Day, iour de iiostre dame, should read " Notre Dame Eve.'' Cartier 
says, " Le septiesme iour dndict mays iour nostre-dame,'''' etc. — Idem, p. 12. Hakluyt 
renders it, "The seuenth of the moneth being our Ladees euen." — Vol. iii. p. 265. 

J As Champlain suggests, these islands are only three leagues higher up the river; but, 
as they are on the opposite side, they could not be compassed in much less than seven or 
eight leagues, as Cartier estimates. 



i8 

This they named St. Croix, since he arrived there on this day ; 
and at the time of the voyage of Cartier the place was called 
Stadaca,* but we now call it Quebec. He says, also, that after 
he had examined this place he returned to get his vessels for 
passing the winter there. 

Now we may conclude, accordingly, that the distance is 
only five leagues from the Isle aux Coudres to the Isle of 
Orleans,! at the western extremity of which the river is very 
broad ; and at which bay, as Cartier calls it, there is no other 
river than that which he called St. Croix, a good league 
distant from the Isle of Orleans, in which, at low tide, there 
is only half a fathom of water. It is very dangerous for 
vessels at its mouth, there being a large number of spurs ; 
that is, rocks scattered here and there. It is accordingly 
necessary to place buoys in order to enter, there being, as I 
have stated, three fathoms of water at ordinary tides, and 
four fathoms, or four and a half generally, at the great tides 
at full flood. It is only fifteen hundred paces from our 
habitation, which is higher up the river ; and, as I have 
stated, there is no other river up to the place now called St. 
Croix where vessels can lie, there being only little brooks. 
The shores are flat and dangerous, which Cartier does not 
mention until the time that he sets out from St. Croix, now 
called Quebec, where he left his vessels, and built his place of 
abode, as is seen from what follows. 

On the 19th of September he set out from St. Croix, 
where his vessels were, setting sail with the tide up the river, 
which they found very pleasant, as well on account of the 
woods, vines, and dwellings, which were there in his time, as 
for other reasons. They cast anchor twenty-five leagues 
from the entrance to the land of Canada ; t that is, at the 

*This was an error m transcribing, Cartier has Stadacome. J'lWe Brief Recit, 1545, 
D'Avezac ed., p. 14. 

tThe distance, according to Laurie's Chart, is at least twenty-six nautical miles. 

% Canada at this time was regarded by the Indians as a limited territory, situated at or 
about Quebec. This statement is confirmed by the testimony of Cartier, thus translated by 
Hakluyt: " Donnacona their Lord desired our Captaine the next day to come and see Canada, 
which he promised to doe : for the next day being the 13 of the moneth, he with all his 
Cientlemen and the fiftie Mariners very well appointed, went to visite Donnacona and his 
people, about a league from our ships." 

Their ships were at this time at St. Croix, a short distance up the St. Charles, which flows 
into the St. Lawrence at Quebec; and the little Indian village, or camp, which Donnacona 
called Canada, was at Quebec. Other passages from Cartier, as well as from Jean Alfonse, 
liarnionize with this which we have cited. Canada was therefore in Cartier's time only the 
name of a very small territory covered by an Indian village. When it became the centre of 
French interests, it assumed a wider meaning. The St. Lawrence was often called the River 
of Canada, then the territory on its shores, and finally Canada has come to comprehend the 
vast British possessions in America known as the " Dominion of Canada." 



19 

western extremity of the Isle of Orleans, so called by Cartier. 
What is now called St. Croix was then called Achelacy, at a 
narrow pass w^here the river is very swift and dangerous on 
account of the rocks and other things, and which can only 
be passed at flood-tide. Its distance from Quebec and the 
river where Cartier wintered is fifteen leagues. 

Now, throughout the entire extent of this river, from 
Quebec to the great fall, there are no narrows except at the 
place now called St. Croix, the name of which has been 
transferred from one place to another one, which is very dan- 
gerous, as my description show^s. And it is very apparent, 
from his narrative, that this was not the site of his habitation, 
as is claimed, but that the latter was near Quebec, and that 
no one had entered into a special investigation of this matter 
before my doing so in my voyages. For the first time I was 
told that he dw^elt in this place, I was greatly astonished, find- 
ing no trace of a river for vessels, as he states there was. 
This led me to make a careful examination, in order to 
remove the suspicion and doubt of many persons in regard 
to the matter.* 



The first explorer of the American coast in the service of France was the Florentine Ver- 
razzano, m 1524. His account of his voyage is given in Old South Leaflet No. 17. This 
account is the subject of much controversy; but, if it is to be relied on, Verrazzduo explored 
the coast from a point a little south of Cape Hatteras, northward as far as Newfoundland, at 
various points penetrating several leagues into the country. Ten years later, in 1534, came 
Jacques Cartier. He steered for Newfoundland, and, believing that he was on the way to 
Cathay, advanced up the St. Lawrence till he saw the shores of Anticosti, when, the 
autum'nal storms gathering, he returned to France. The next year he came again, with three 
\essels. He gave the name of St. Lawrence to a small bay opposite the island of Anticosti, 
a name afterwards extended to the entire gulf and to the great river above. Cartier calls the 

iver the " River of Hochelaga," or " the'great river of Canada.'' He confines the name of 
Canada to a district extending from the Tsle aux Coudres in the St. Lawrence to a point some 
distance above the site of Quebec. The countrv below, he says, was called by the Indians 
Saguenay, and that above Hochelaga. He visited the site of Quebec, and ascended the 
river to a place which he called Mont Royal, Montreal. He wintered at Stadacoue (Quebec), 

-d the next summer returned to France. He came again in 1541 ; and Roberval came, and 
La Roche, and others. It was in 1603 that Champlain first appeared upon the scene. 

Samuel de Champlain was bom in 1567 at the small seaport of Brouage, on the Bay of 
Biscay. His father was a captain in the royal navy, where he himself seems also to have 
served; and he had fought for Henry IV. in Brittany. He also went to the West Indies in 
the service of the king : and his manuscript account, with over sixty crude colored pictures, 
still exists. He came to Canada in 1603 with Pontgrave, penetrating as far as Montreal. In 
1604 he came with De Monts, exploring the Nova Scotia coast, and establishing a settlement 
on an islet which they named St. Croix, at the mouth of the river now bearing that name. 
The next spring De Monts and Champlain, leaving St. Croix in a little bark with twenty men, 

* The locality of Cartier's winter-quarters is established by Champlain with the certainty 
of an historical demonstration, and yet there are to be found those whose judgment is so 
warped by preconceived opinion that they resist the overwhelming testimony which he brings 
to bear upon the subject. Charlevoix makes the St. Croix of Cartier the Riviere de Jacques 
Cartier. — Vide Shea's CharleToi.v, vol. i. p. 116. 



20 

sailed from the New England coast as far as Nausett Harbor, on Ccipe Cud. pas^inj; Mount 
Desert and the mouths of the Penobscot and the Kennebec, crossing Casco Bay, and descrj'- 
ing the distant peaks of the White Mountains, passing the Isles of Shoals and Cape Ann. and 
entering Massachusetts Bay, giving the name of Riviere du Guast to a ri\er flowing into it, 
probably tlie Charles. Champlain describes the islands of Boston Harbor as covered with 
trees, and says they were met by great numbers of canoes filled- with astonished Indians. 
They passed Point Allerton and Xantasket Beach, and took shelter in Port .'^t. Louis, as 
they called the harbor of Plymouth, where the Pilgrims landed fifteen years later. The next 
summer Champlain came down the coast again, this time as far as the neighborliood of Hyan- 
nis ; and always and everywhere lie made maps and charts and pictures, many of which have 
come down to us, and ha\e the higiiest liistorical value. 

In i6oS Champlain came from France the third time, now with the distinct purpose of 
establishing a settlement on the .St. Lawrence as a centre of operations for the French in 
Canada. The founding of Quebec followed, as detailed in the present leaflet. The story can 
be followed further in his account of his "Voyages," from which this extract is taken, with 
the stor>' of his explorations and adventures in Canada for the next quarter of a century, his 
discovery of Lake Champlain, his Indian wars, his discovery of Lake Huron, his surrender 
of Quebec to the English in 1629, his visit to London and the restoration of Canada to the 
French crown, and iiis death in 1635 in Quebec which he had founded, the student of history 
is familiar. No man did more to plant and spread the power of P'rance in America. 

Champlain' s books, says Parkman, mark the man, — all for his theme and his purpose, 
nothing for himself. Crude in style, full of the superficial errors of carelessness and haste, 
rarely diffuse, often brief to a fault, they bear on every page the palpable impress of truth. 
We are most fortunate in ha\ing a fine translation of Ciiamplain's accounts of his various 
"Voyages," by Charles Pomeroy Otis, Ph.E)., with historical illustrations, and a memoir by 
Rev. Edmund F. Slafter, who is the great American authority upon Champlain and his 
work. The three volumes, which are published by the Prince Society, are enriched by copies 
of all the local and general maps and drawings in the early French editions, most curious and 
interesting; and the work is of priceless value to the English student cf Champlain. It is 
from the account of the voyage of 160S, in tiie second volume, that the story of the founding 
of Quebec, given in the present leaflet, is taken 

Mr. Slafter is also the author of the fine chapter upon Champlain, in the " Narrative and 
Critical History of America,"' vol. ii. : and the special student is referred to his critical essay 
on the sources of information, appended to that chapter. This entire second \olume of the 
" Narrative and Critical History'*' is devoted to the suLject of French Explorations in North 
America. To the general subject of "France and England in North America" our great 
historian, Francis Parkman, devoted the work of his whole life ; and his volume on 
" Pioneers of France in the New World" contains the most graphic and interesting account 
which exists of Champlain's life and work. The Old South lectures for i'^Sq, under the title 
of " America and France," were entirely devoted to subjects in which the history of America 
is related to that of France, the first lecture being upon "Champlain, the Founder of 
Quebec" ; and the student is referred to the full list of those lectures and the accompanying 
leaflets. One of the subjects for the Old South essays for iSqS is " The Struggle of France 
and England for North America from the Founding of Quebec by Champlain till the Capture 
of Quebec by Wolfe." 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 




(©ID ^DUtl) Ecaflet^ 



No. 92 



The 

First Voyage to 

Roanoke. 

1584. 



The First Voyage made to the Coasts of America, with two 
Barks, wherein were Captains M. Philip Amadas, and M. 
Arthur Barlowe, who discovered Part of the Countrey 
now called Virginia Anno 1584. Written by One of the 

SAID CaPTAINES, and SENT TO SiR WALTER RaLEGH, KNIGHT, AT 

WHOSE Charge and Direction, the said Voyage was set 
forth* 

The 27 day of Aprill, in the yeere of our redemption, 1584 
we departed the West of England, with two barkes \vell fur- 
nished with men and victuals, having received our last and 
perfect directions by your letters, confirming the former 
instructions, and commandements delivered by your selfe at 
our leaving the river of Thames. And I thinke it a matter 
both unnecessary, for the manifest discoverie of the Countrey, 
as also for tediousnesse sake, to remember unto you the 
diurnall of our course, sayling thither and returning ; onely I 
have presumed to present unto you this briefe discourse, by 
which you may judge how profitable this land is likely to 
succeede, as well to your selfe, by w^hose direction and charge, 
and by whose servantes this our discoverie hath beene per- 
formed, as also to her Highnesse, and the Commonwealth, in 
which we hope your wisdome wilbe satisfied, considering that 
as much by us hath bene brought to light, as by those smal 
meanes, and number of men we had, could any way have bene 
expected, or hoped for. 

The tenth of May we arrived at the Canaries, and the 
tenth of June in this present yeere, we were fallen with the 
Islands of the West Indies, keeping a more Southeasterly 
course then was needefuU, because wee doubted that the cur- 

* The narrative was written by Barlowe, as appears from a sentence in the same. 



rent of the Bay of Mexico, disbogging betweene the Cape of 
Florida and Havana, had bene of greater force then after- 
wards we found it to bee. At which Islands we found the 
ayre very unwholsome, and our men grew for the most part 
ill disposed : so that having refreshed our selves with sweet 
water, & fresh victuall, we departed the twelfth day of our 
arrivall there. These islands, with the rest adjoining, are so 
well knowen to your selfe, and to many others, as I will not 
trouble you with the rememberance of them. 

The second of July we found shole water, wher we smelt 
so sweet, and so strong a smel, as if we had bene in the midst 
of some delicate garden abounding with all kinde of odor- 
iferous flowers, by which we were assured, that the land could 
not be farre distant : and keeping good watch, and bearing 
but slacke saile, the fourth of the same moneth we arrived 
upon the coast, which we supposed to be a continent and 
lirme lande, and we sayled along the same a hundred and 
twentie English miles before we could finde any entrance, or 
river issuing into the Sea. The first that appeared unto us, 
we entred, though not without some difficultie, & cast anker 
about three harquebuz-shot within the havens mouth on 
the left hand of the same : and after thanks given to God 
for our safe arrivall thither, we manned our boats, and 
went to view the land next adjoyning, and to take possession 
of the same, in the right of the Queenes most excellent 
Majestic, and rightfull Queene, and Princesse of the same, 
and after delivered the same over to your use, according to 
her Majesties grant, and letters patents, under her Highnesse 
great scale. Which being performed, according to the cere- 
monies used in such enterprises, we viewed the land about us, 
being, whereas we first landed, very sandie and low towards 
the waters side, but so full of grapes, as the very beating and 
surge of the Sea overflowed them, of which we found such 
plentie, as well there as in all places else, both on the sand 
and on the greene soile on the hils, as in the plaines, as well 
on every little shrubbe, as also climing towardes the tops of 
high Cedars, that I thinke in all the world the like abun- 
dance is not to be found : and my selfe having scene those 
parts of Europe that most abound, find such difference as were 
incredible to be written. 

We passed from the Sea side towardes the toppes of those 
hilles next adjoyning, being but of meane higth, and from 



thence wee behelde the Sea on both sides to the North, and to 
the South, finding no ende any of both wayes. This lande 
laye stretching it selfe to tlie West, which after wee found to 
bee but an Island of twentie miles long, and not • above sixe 
miles broade. Under the banke or hill whereon we stoode, 
we behelde the vallyes replenished with goodly Cedar trees, 
and having discharged our harquebuz-shot, such a flocke of 
Cranes (the most part white), arose under us, with such a cry 
redoubled by many ecchoes, as if an armie of men had showted 
all together. 

This Island had many goodly woodes full of Deere, Conies, 
Hares, and Fowle, even in the middest of Summer in in- 
credible abundance. The woodes are not such as you finde 
in Bohemia, Moscouia, or Hercynia, barren and fruitles, but 
the highest and reddest Cedars of the world, farre bettering 
the Ceders of the Azores, of the Indies, or Lybanus, Pynes, 
Cypres, Sassaphras, the Lentisk, or the tree that beareth 
the Masticke, the tree that beareth the rine of blacke Sina- 
mon, of which Master Winter brought from the streights of 
Magellan, and many other of excellent smell and qualitie. 
W^e remained by the side of this Island two whole dayes 
before we saw any people of the Countrey : the third day we 
espied one small boate rowing towardes us having in it three 
persons : this boat came to the Island side, foure harquebuz- 
shot from our shippes, and there two of the people remain- 
ing, the third came along the shoreside towards us, and wee 
being then all within boord, he walked up and downe upon 
the point of the land next unto us : then the Master and the 
Pilot of the Admirall, Simon Ferdinando, and the Captaine 
Philip Amadas, my selfe, and others rowed to the land, 
whose comming this fellow attended, never making any shewe 
of feare or doubt. And after he had spoken of many things 
not understood by us, we brought him with his owne good 
liking, aboord the ships, and gave him a shirt, a hat & some 
other things, and made him taste of our wine, and our meat, 
which he liked very wel : and after having viewed both barks, 
he departed, and went to his owne boat againe, which hee had 
left in a little Cove or Creeke adjoyning : assoone as hee was 
two bow shoot into the water, hee fell to fishing, and in lesse 
then halfe an houre, he had laden his boate as deepe as it 
could swimme, with which hee came againe to the point of the 
lande, and there he divided his fish into two parts, pointing 



one part to the ship, and the other to the pinnesse : which, 
after he had, as much as he might, requited the former bene- 
fites received, departed out of our sight. 

The next day there came unto us divers boates, and in 
one of them the Kings brother, accompanied with fortie or 
fiftie men, very handsome and goodly people, and in their 
behaviour as mannerly and civill as any of Europe. His 
name was Granganimeo, and the king is called Wingina, 
the countrey Wingandacoa, and now by her Majestie Vir- 
ginia. The manner of his comming was in this sort: hee 
left his boates altogether as the first man did a little from the 
shippes by the shore, and came along to the place over against 
the shipes, followed with fortie men. When he came to the 
place, his servants spread a long matte upon the ground, on 
which he sate downe, and at the other ende of the matte foure 
others of his companie did the like, the rest of his men stood 
round about him, somewhat a farre off : when we came to the 
shore to him with our weapons, hee never mooved from his 
place, nor any of the other foure, nor never mistrusted any 
harme to be offered from us, but sitting still he beckoned us to 
come and sit by him, which we performed : and being set hee 
made all signes of joy and welcome, striking on his head and 
his breast and afterwardes on ours to shew wee were all one, 
smiling and making shewe the best he could of al love, and 
familiaritie. After hee had made a long speech unto us, wee 
presented him with divers things, w^hich hee received very joy- 
fully, and thankefully. None of the company durst speake one 
worde all the time : only the foure which were at the other 
ende, spake one in the others eare very softly. 

The King is greatly obeyed, and his brothers and children 
reverenced : the King himself in person was at our being 
there, sore wounded in a fight which hee had with the King 
of the next countrey, called Wingina, and was shot in two 
places through the body, and once cleane through the thigh, 
but yet he recovered : by reason whereof and for that hee 
lay at the chief towne of the countrey, being sixe dayes 
journey off, we saw him not at all. 

After we had presented this his brother with such things 
as we thought he liked, wee likewise gave somewhat to the 
other that sat with him on the matte : but presently he arose 
and tooke all from them and put it into his owne basket, 
making signes and tokens, that all things ought to bee de- 



livered unto him, and the rest were but his servants, and 
followers. A day or two after this, we feh to trading with 
them, exchanging some things that we had, for Chamoys, Buffe, 
and Deere skinnes : when we shewed him all our packet of 
merchandize, of all things that he sawe, a bright tinne dish 
most pleased him, which hee presently tooke up and clapt it 
before his breast, and after made a hole in the brimme thereof 
and hung it about his necke, making signes that it would de- 
fende him against his enemies arrowes : for those people main- 
taine a deadly and terrible warre, with the people and King 
adjoyning. We exchanged our tinne dish for twentie skinnes, 
woorth twentie Crownes, or twentie Nobles : and a copper 
kettle for fiftie- skins woorth fifty Crownes. They offered us 
good exchange for our hatchets, and axes, and for knives, and 
would have given any thing for swordes : but wee would not 
depart with any. After two or three dayes the Kings brother 
came aboord the shippes, and dranke wine, and eat of our 
meat and of our bread, and liked exceedingly thereof : and 
after a few dayes overpassed, he brought his wife with him to 
the ships, his daughter and two or three children : his wife was 
very well favoured, of meane stature, and very bashfuU : 
shee had on her backe a long cloake of leather, with the furre 
side next to her body, and before her a piece of the same : 
about her forehead shee had a bande of white Corall, and so 
had her husband many times : in her eares shee had bracelets 
of pearles hanging downe to her middle, whereof wee delivered 
your worship a little bracelet, and those were of the bignes of 
good pease. The rest of her women of the better sort had 
pendants of copper hanging in either eare, and some of the 
children of the Kings brother and other noble men, have five 
or sixe in either eare : he himselfe had upon his head a broad 
plate of golde, or copper, for being unpolished we knew not 
what mettal it should be, neither would he by any means suffer 
us to take it off his head, but feeling it, it would bow very 
easily. His apparell was as his wives, onely the women weare 
their haire long on both sides, and the men but on one. They 
are of colour yellowish, and their haire black for the most part, 
and yet we saw children that had very fine aburne and chesnut 
coloured haire. 

After that these women had bene there, there came downe 
from all parts great store of people, bringing with them leather, 
corall, divers kindes of dies, very excellent, and exchanged 



with us : but when Granganimeo the kings brother was present, 
none durst trade but himselfe : except such as vveare red pieces 
of copper on their heads like himselfe : for that is the differ- 
ence betweene the noble men, and the gouvernours of coun- 
treys, and the meaner sort. And we both noted there, and 
you have understood since by these men, which we brought 
home, that no people in the worlde cary more respect to their 
King, Nobilitie, and Governours, then these doe. The Kings 
brothers wife, when she came to us, as she did many times, 
was followed with forty or fifty women alwayes : and when she 
came into the shippe, she left them all on land, saving her two 
daughters, her nurse and one or two more. The kings brother 
alwayes kept this order, as many boates as he would come with- 
all to the shippes, so many fires would hee make on the shore 
a farre off, to the end we might understand with what strength 
and company he approched. Their boates are made of one 
tree, either of Pine or of Pitch trees : a wood not commonly 
knowen to our people, nor found growing in England. They 
have no edge-tooles to make them withall : if they have any 
they are very fewe, and those it seemes they had twentie yeres 
since, which, as those two men declared, was out of a wrake 
which happened upon their coast of some Christian ship, being 
beaten that way by some storme and outragious weather, 
whereof none of the people were saved, but only the ship, or 
some part of her being cast upon the sand, out of whose sides 
they drew the nayles and the spikes, and with those they made 
their best instruments. The manner of making their boates 
is thus : they burne downe some great tree, or take such as are 
winde fallen, and putting gumme and rosen upon one side 
thereof, they set fire into it, and when it hath burnt it hollow, 
they cut out the coale with their shels, and ever where they 
would burne it deeper or wider they lay on gummes, which 
burne away the timber, and by this m.eanes they fashion very 
fine boates, and such as will transport twentie men. Their 
oares are like scoopes, and many times they set with long 
poles, as the depth serveth. 

The Kings brother had great liking of our armour, a sword, 
and divers other things which we had : and offered to lay a 
great boxe of pearle in gage for them : but we refused it for 
this time, because we would not make them knowe, that we 
esteemed thereof, untill we had understoode in w^hat places of 
the countrey the pearle grew : which now your Worshippe 
doeth very well understand. 



He was very just of his promise : for many times we de- 
livered him merchandize upon his word, but ever he came 
within the day and performed his promise. He sent us every 
day a brase or two of fat Bucks, Conies, Hares, Fish and best 
of the world. He sent us divers kindes of fruites. Melons, 
Walnuts, Cucumbers, Gourdes, Pease, and divers rootes, and 
fruites very excellent good, and of their Countrey corne, which 
is very white, faire and well tasted, and groweth three times in 
five moneths : in May they sow, in July they reape, in June 
they sow, in August they reape: in July they sow, in Sep- 
tember they reape : onely they cast the corne into the ground, 
breaking a little of the soft turfe with a wodden mattock, or 
pickaxe ; our selves prooved the soile, and put some of our 
Pease in the ground, and in tenne dayes they were of four- 
teene ynches high : they have also Beanes very faire of divers 
colours and wonderfull plentie : some growing naturally, and 
some in their gardens, and so have they both wheat and oates. 

The soile is the most plentifull, sweete, fruitful! and whole- 
some of all the worlde : there are above fourteene severall 
sweete smelling timber trees, and the most part of their under- 
woods are Bayes and such like : they have those Okes that we 
have, but farre greater and better. After they had bene divers 
times aboord our shippes, my selfe, with seven more went 
twentie mile into the River, that runneth towarde the Citie of 
Skicoak, which River they call Occam : and the evening follow- 
ing wee came to an Island which they call Roanoak, distant 
from the harbour by which we entred, seven leagues : and at 
the North end thereof was a village of nine houses, built of 
Cedar, and fortified round about with sharpe trees, to keepe 
out their enemies, and the entrance into it made like a turne- 
pike very artificially ; when wee came towardes it, standing 
neere unto the waters side, the wife of Granganimo the Kings 
brother came running out to meete us very cheerfully and 
friendly, her husband was not then in the village ; some of her 
people shee commanded to drawe our boate on shore for the 
beating of the billoe : others she appointed to cary us on their 
backes to the dry ground, and others to bring our oares into 
the house for feare of stealing. When we were come into the 
utter roome, having five roomes in her house, she caused us 
to sit downe by a great fire, and after tooke off our clothes and 
washed them, and dryed them againe : some of the women 
plucked off our stockings and washed them, some washed our 



8 

feete in warme water, and she herselfe tooke great paines to 
see all things ordered in the best maner shee could, making 
great haste to dresse some meate for us to eate. 

After we had thus dryed ourselves, she brought us into 
the inner roome, where shee set on the boord standing along 
the house, some wheate like furmentie, sodden Venison, and 
roasted, fish sodden, boyled and roasted, Melons rawe, and 
sodden, rootes of divers kindes and divers fruites : their 
drinke is commonly water, but while the grape lasteth, they 
drinke wine, and for want of caskes to keepe it, all the yere 
after they drink water, but it is sodden with Ginger in it and 
blacke Sinamon, and sometimes Sassaphras, and divers other 
wholesome, and medicinable hearbes and trees. We were en- 
tertained with all love and kindnesse, and with much bountie, 
after their maner, as they could possibly devise. We found 
the people most gentle, loving and faithfull, voide of all guile 
and treason, and such as live after the manner of the golden 
age. The people onely care howe to defend themselves from 
the cold in their short winter, and to feed themselves with such 
meat as the soile affoordeth : there meat is very well sodden 
and they make broth very sweet and savorie : their vessels are 
earthen pots, very large, white and sweete, their dishes are 
wooden platters of sweet timber : within the place where they 
feede was their lodging, and within that their Idoll, which they 
worship, of whome they speake incredible things. While we 
were at meate, there came in at the gates two or three men 
with their bowes and arrowes from hunting, whom when wee 
espied, we beganne to looke one towardes another, and 
offered to reach our weapons : but assoone as shee espied our 
mistrust, shee was very much mooved, and caused some of her 
men to runne out, and take away their bowes and arrowes and 
breake them, and withall beate the poore fellowes out of the 
gate againe. When we departed in the evening and would not 
tary all night she was very sorry, and gave us into our boate 
our supper halfe dressed, pottes and all, and brought us to our 
boate side, in which wee lay all night, remooving the same a 
prettie distance from the shoare : shee perceiving our jealousie, 
was much grieved, and sent divers men and thirtie women, to 
sit all night on the banke side by us, and sent us into our 
boates five mattes to cover us from the raine, using very many 
wordes, to entreate us to rest in their houses : but because wee 
were fewe men, and if wee had miscaried, the voyage had bene 



in very great danger, wee durst not adventure any thing, al- 
though there was no cause of doubt : for a more kinde and 
loving people there can not be found in the worlde, as farre as 
we have hitherto had triall. 

Beyond this Island there is the maine lande, and over 
against this Island falleth into this spacious water, the great 
river called Occam by the inhabitants on which standeth a 
towne called Pomeiock, & sixe days journey from the same is 
situate their greatest citie, called Skicoak, which this people 
affirme to be very great : but the Savages were never at it, only 
they speake of it by the report of their fathers and other men, 
whom they have heard affirme it to bee above one houres 
journey about.. 

Into this river falleth another great river, called Cipo, in 
which there is found great store of Muskles in which there are 
pearles : likewise there descendeth into this Occam, another 
river, called Nomopana, on the one side whereof standeth a 
great towne called Chawanook, and the Lord of that towne and 
countrey is called Pooneno : this Pooneno is not subject to the 
King of Wingandacoa, but is a free Lord : beyond this country 
is there another king, w^hom they cal Menatonon, and these 
three kings are in league with each other. Towards the South- 
west, foure dayes journey is situate a towne called Sequotan, 
which is the Southermost towne of Wingandacoa, neere unto 
which, sixe and twentie yeres past there was a ship cast away, 
whereof some of the people were saved, and those were white 
people whom the countrey people perserved. 

And after ten dayes remaining in an out Island unhabited, 
called Wocokon, they wdth the help of some of the dwellers 
of Sequotan fastened two boates of the countrey together & 
made mastes unto them and sailes of their shirtes, and having 
taken into them such victuals as the countrey yeelded, they 
departed after they had remained in this out Island 3 weekes : 
but shortly after it seemed they were cast away, for the boates 
were found upon the coast cast a land in another Island 
adjoyning : other then these, there was never any people 
apparelled, or white of colour, either seene or heard of 
amongst these people, and these aforesaid were seene onely 
of the inhabitantes of Secotan, which appeared to be very true, 
for they wondred marvelously when we were amongst them 
at the whitenes of our skins, ever coveting to touch our breasts, 
and to view the same. Besides they had our ships in marvel- 



ous admiration, & all things els were so strange unto them, as 
it appeared that none of them had ever seene the like. When 
we discharged any piece, were it but an hargubuz, they would 
tremble thereat for very feare and for the strangenesse of the 
same : for the weapons which themselves use are bowes and 
arrowes : the arrowes are but of small canes, headed with a 
sharpe shell or tooth of a fish sufficient ynough to kill a naked 
man. Their swordes be of wood hardened : likewise they use 
wooden breastplates for their defence. They have beside a 
kinde of club, in the end whereof they fasten the sharpe horns 
of a stagge, or other beast. When they goe to warres they cary 
about with them their idol, of whom they aske counsel, as the 
Romans were woont of the Oracle of Apollo. They sing songs 
as they march towardes the battell in stead of drummes and 
trumpets : their warres are very cruell and bloody, by reason 
whereof, and of their civill dissentions which have happened of 
late yeeres amongst them, the people are marvelously w^asted, 
and in some places the countrey left desolate. 

Adjoyning to this countrey aforesaid called Secotan begin- 
neth a countrey called Pomouik, belonging to another king 
whom they call Piamacum, and this king is in league with 
the next king adjoyning towards the setting of the Sunne, and 
the countrey Newsiok, situate upon a goodly river called Neus : 
these kings have mortall warre with Wingina king of Wingan- 
dacoa : but about two yeeres past there was a peace made be- 
tweene the King Piemacum, and the Lord of Secotan, as these 
men which we have brought with us to England, have given us 
to understand : but there remaineth a mortall malice in the 
Secotanes, for many injuries cSc slaughters done upon them by 
this Piemacum. They invited divers men, and thirtie women 
of the best of his countrey to their towne to a feast : and when 
they were altogether merry, & praying before their Idoll, which 
is nothing els but a meer illusion of the devill, the captaine or 
Lord of the town came suddenly upon the, and slewe them 
every one, reserving the women and children : and these two 
have oftentimes since perswaded us to surprise Piemacum his 
towne, having promised and assured us, that there will be 
found in it great store of commodities. But whether their 
perswasion be to the ende they may be revenged of their 
enemies, or for the love they beare to us, we leave that to the 
tryall hereafter. 

Beyond this Island called Roanoak, are maine Islands very 



II 

plentifull of fruits and other naturall increases, together with 
many townes, and villages, along the side of the continent, 
some bounding upon the Islands, and some stretching up 
further into the land. 

When we first had sight of this countrey, some thought the 
first land we saw to bee the continent : but after we entred into 
the Haven, we saw before us another mighty long Sea : for 
there lyeth along the coast a tracte of Islands, two hundreth 
miles in length, adjoyning to the Ocean sea, and betweene the 
Islands, two or three entrances : when you are entred betweene 
them, these Islands being very narrow for the most part, as in 
most places sixe miles broad, in some places lesse, in fev/ 
more, then there appeareth another great Sea, containing in 
bredth in some places, forty, and in some fifty, in some twenty 
miles over, before you come unto the continent : and in this 
inclosed Sea there are above an hundreth Islands of divers 
bignesses, whereof one is sixteene miles long, at which we 
were, finding it a most pleasant and fertile ground ; replenished 
with goodly Cedars, and divers other sweete woods, full of 
Corrants, of flaxe, and many other notable commodities, which 
we at that time had no leasure to view. Besides this Island 
there are many, as I have sayd, some of two, or three, of foure, 
of five miles, some more, some lesse, most beautifuU and pleas- 
ant to behold, replenished with Deere, Conies, Hares and 
divers beasts, and about them the goodliest and best fish in the 
world, and in greatest abundance. 

Thus, Sir, we have acquainted you with the particulars of 
our discovery made this present voyage, as farre foorth as the 
shortnesse of the time we there continued would affoord us 
to take viewe of : and so contenting our selves with this ser- 
vice at this time, which wee hope here after to inlarge, as 
occasion and assistance shalbe given, we resolved to leave the 
countrey, and to apply ourselves to returne for England, which 
we did accordingly, and arrived safely in the West of England 
about the middest of September. 

And whereas wee have above certified you of the countrey 
taken in possession by us to her Majesties use, and so to yours 
by her Majesties grant, wee thought good for the better assur- 
ance thereof to record some of the particular Gentlemen & men 
of accompt, who then were present, as witnesses of the same, 
that thereby all occasion of cavill to the title of the countrey, 
in her Majesties behalfe may be prevented, which otherwise. 



such as like not the action may use and pretend, whose 
names are : 

Master Philip Amadas, ) ^ ^, • 

Master Arthur Barlow, \ ^ 

William Greenvile, John Wood, James Browewich, Henry 
Greene, Benjamin Wood, Simon Ferdinando, Nicholas Petman, 
John Hewes, of the covipanie. 

We brought home also two of the Savages being lustie men, 
whose names were Wanchese and Manteo. 



Charter in Favor of Sir Walter Ralegh, Knight, for the Dis- 
covery AND Planting of New Lands in America, 25 March 
1584. 

Elizabeth by the grace of God of England, France and Ire- 
land Queene, defender of the faith, &c. To all people to 
whom these presents shal come, greeting. Know ye that 
of our especial grace, certaine science, & meere motion, we have 
given and graunted, and by these presents for us, our heires 
and successors doe give and graunt to our trusty and welbeloved 
servant Walter Ralegh Esquire, and to his heires and assignes 
for ever, free liberty &: licence from time to time, and at all 
times for ever hereafter, to discover, search, finde out, and view 
such remote, heathen and barbarous lands, countreis, and ter- 
ritories, not actually possessed of any Christian prince, nor in- 
habited by Christian people, as to him, his heires and assignes, 
and to every or any of them shall seeme good, and the same to 
have, holde, occupy «S: enjoy to him, his heires and assignes 
for ever, with all prerogatives, commodities, jurisdictios, royal- 
ties, privileges, franchises and preeminences, thereto or there- 
abouts both by sea and land, whatsoever we by our letters 
patents may grant, and as we or any of our noble progenitors 
have heretofore granted to any person or persons, bodies poli- 
tique or corporate : and the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires 
and assignes, and all such as from time to time, by licence of 
us, our heires and successors, shal goe or travaile thither to 
inhabite or remaine, there to build and fortifie, at the discre- 
tion of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires cS: assignes, the stat- 
utes or act of Parliament made against fugitives, or against 
such as shall depart, remaine or continue out of our Realme of 



13 

England without licence, or any statute, act, law, or any ordi- 
nance whatsoever to the contrary in any wise notwithstanding. 

And we do likewise by these presents, of our especial grace, 
meere motion, and certaine knowledge, for us, our heires and 
successors, give and graunt full authoritie, libertie and power 
to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every 
of them, that he and they, and every or any of them shall and 
may at all and every time and times hereafter, have, take, and 
leade in the sayde voyage, and travaile thitherward, or to in- 
habite there with him or them, and every or any of them, 
such and so many of our subjects as shall willingly accompany 
him or them, and every or any of them : and to whom also we 
doe by these presents, give full libertie and authoritie in that 
behalfe, and also to have, take and employ, and use sufficient 
shipping and furniture for the transportations, and Navigations 
in that behalfe, so that none of the same persons or any of 
them be such as hereafter shall be restrained by us, our heires 
or successors. 

And further that the said Walter Ralegh his heires and 
assignes, and every of them, shall have, holde, occupie and 
enjoy to him, his heires and assignes, and every of them for 
ever, all the soyle of all such landes, territories, and Coun- 
treis, so to be discovered and possessed as aforesayd, and of 
all such Cities, Castles, Townes, Villages, and places in the 
same, with the right royalties, franchises, and jurisdictions, as 
well marine as other within the sayd landes, or Countreis, or 
the seas thereunto adjoyning, to be had, or used, with full 
power to dispose thereof, and of every part in fee simple or 
otherwise, according to the order of the lawes of England, as 
neere as the same conveniently may be, at his, and their wil 
and pleasure, to any persons then being, or that shall remaine 
within the allegiance of us, our heires and successors : reserv- 
ing alwayes to us, our heires and successors, for all services, 
dueties, and demaunds, the fift part of all the oare of golde 
and silver, that from time to time, and at all times after such 
discoverie, subduing and possessing, shall be there gotten and 
obteined : All which lands, Countreis, and territories shall 
for ever be holden of the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and 
assignes, of us, our heires and successors, by homage, and by 
the sayd payment of the said fift part, reserved onely for all 
services. 

And moreover, we do by these presents, for us, our heires 



and successors, give and grant licence to the said Walter 
Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and every of them, that he 
and they, and every or any of them, shall and may from time 
to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, for his and their 
defence, encounter and expulse, repell and resist aswell by 
sea as by lande, and by all other wayes whatsoever, all and 
every such person and persons whatsoever, as without es- 
peciall liking and licence of the sayd Walter Ralegh, and of 
his heires and assignes, shall attempt to inhabite within the 
sayde Countreys, or any of them, or within the space of two 
hundreth leagues neere to the place or places within such 
Countreys as aforesayd (if they shall not bee before planted or 
inhabited within the limits as aforesayd with the subjects of 
any Christian Prince being in amitie with us) where the sayd 
Walter Ralegh, his heires, or assignes, or any of them, or his, 
or their, or any of their associats or company, shall within 
sixe yeeres (next ensuing) make their dwellings or abidings, 
or that shall enterprise or attempt at any time hereafter un- 
lawfully to annoy, eyther by Sea or Lande the sayde Walter 
Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of them, or his or their, 
or any of his or their companies : giving and graunting by 
these presents further power and authoritie to the sayd 
Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and every of them 
from time to time, and at all times for ever hereafter, to take 
and surprise by all maner of meanes whatsoever, all and every 
those person or persons, with their Shippes, Vessels, and other 
goods and furniture, which without the licence of the sayde 
Walter Ralegh, or his heires, or assignes, as aforesayd, shalbe 
found traffiquing into any Harbour, or Harbours, Creeke, or 
Creekes, within the limits aforesayd, (the subjects of our 
Realmes and Dominions, and all other persons in amitie 
with us, trading to the Newfound lands for fishing as hereto- 
fore they have commonly used, or being driven by force of 
a tempest, or shipwracke onely excepted :) and those persons, 
and every of them, with their shippes, vessels, goods, and 
furniture to deteine and possesse as of good and lawfull prize, 
according to the discretion of him the sayd Walter Ralegh, 
his heires, and assignes, and every, or any of them. And for 
uniting -in more perfect league and amitie, of such Coun- 
tryes, landes, and territories so to be possessed and inhabited 
as aforesayd with our Realmes of England and Ireland, and 
the better incouragement of men to these enterprises : we 



' 15 

doe by these presents, graunt and declare that all such Coun- 
tries, so hereafter to be possessed and inhabited as is afore- 
sayd, from thencefoorth shall be of the allegiance of us, our 
heires and successours. And wee doe graunt to the sayd 
Walter Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and to all, and every 
of them, and to all, and every other person and persons, being 
of our allegiance, whose names shall be noted or entred in 
some of our Courts of recorde within our Realme of Eng- 
land, that with the assent of the sayd Walter Ralegh, his 
heires or assignes, shall in his journeis for discoverie, or in 
the journeis for conquest hereafter travaile to such lands, 
countreis and territories, as aforesayd, and to their, and to 
every of their heires, that they, and every or any of them, 
being eyther borne within our sayde Realmes of England or 
Irelande, or in any other place within our allegiance, and 
which hereafter shall be inhabiting within any the Lands, 
Countryes, and Territories, with such licence (as aforesayd) 
shall and may have all the priviledges of free Denizens, and 
persons native of England, and within our allegiance in such 
like ample maner and forme, as if they were borne and per- 
sonally resident within our said Realme of England, any law, 
custome, or usage to the contrary notwithstanding. 

And forasmuch as upon- the finding out, discovering, or 
inhabiting of such remote lands, countries, and territories as 
aforesaid, it shalbe necessary for the safety of all men, that 
shall adventure themselves in those journeys or voyages, to 
determine to live together in Christian peace, and civill quiet- 
nesse eche with other, whereby every one may with more 
pleasure and profit enjoy that whereunto they shall atteine 
with great paine and perill, wee for us, our heires and succes- 
sors, are likewise pleased and contented, and by these presents 
doe give & grant to the said Walter Ralegh, his heires and 
assignes for ever, that he and they, and every or any of them, 
shall and may from time to time for ever hereafter, within the 
said mentioned remote lands and countries, in the way by the 
seas thither, and from thence, have full and meere power and 
authoritie to correct, punish, pardon, governe, and rule by their 
and every or any of their good discretions and policies, as well 
in causes capitall, or criminall, as civill, both marine and other 
all such our subjects, as shal from time to time adventure 
themselves in the said journeis or voyages, or that shall at any 
time hereafter inhabite any such lands, countreis, or territories 



i6 

as aforesayd, or that shall abide within 200. leagues of any of 
the sayde place or places, where the sayde Walter Ralegh, his 
heires or assignes, or any of them, or any of his or their asso- 
ciats or companies, shall inhabite within 6. yeeres next ensuing 
the date hereof, according to such statutes, lawes and ordi- 
nances as shall be by him the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires 
and assignes, and every or any of them devised, or established, 
for the better government of the said people as aforesaid. So 
alwayes as the said statutes, lawes, and ordinances may be, as 
nere as conveniently may bee, agreeable to the forme of the 
lawes, statutes, government, or pollicie of England, and also so 
as they be not against the true Christian faith, nowe professed 
in the Church of England, nor in any wise to withdrawe 
any of the subjects or people of those lands or places from the 
alleagance of us, our heires and successours, as their imme- 
diate Soveraigne under God. 

And further, we doe by these presents for us, our heires and 
successors, give and grant ful power and authoritie to our 
trustie and w'elbeloved Counsailour Sir William Cecill knight, 
Lorde Burghley, or high Treasourer of England, and to the 
Lorde Treasourer of England for us, our heires and successors, 
for the time being, and to the privie Counsaile of us, our heires 
and successors, or any foure or -more of them, for the time 
being, that he, they, or any foure or more of them, shall and may 
from time to time, and at all times hereafter, under his or their 
handes or Seales by vertue of these presents, authorize and 
licence the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and 
every or any of them by him, & by themselves, or by their, or 
any of their sufficient Atturnies, Deputies, Officers, Ministers, 
Factors, and servants, to imbarke & transport out of our 
Realme of England and Ireland, and the Dominions thereof, all 
or any of his or their goods, and all or any the goods of his 
and their associats and companies, and every or any of them, 
with such other necessaries and commodities of any our 
Realmes, as to the sayde Lorde Treasurer, or foure or more of 
the privie Counsaile, of us our heires and successors for the 
time being (as aforesaid) shalbe from time to time by his or 
their wdsedomes, or discretions thought meete and convenient, 
for the better reliefe and supportation of him the sayde Walter 
Ralegh, his heires, and assignes, and every or any of them, 
and of his or their or any of their associats and companies, 
any act, statute, law, or any thing to the contrary in any wise 
notwithstanding. 



17 

Provided alwayes, and our wil and pleasure is, and we do 
hereby declare to all Christian kings, princes, and states, that 
if the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires or assignes, or any of 
them, or any other by their licence or appointment, shall at 
any time or times hereafter robbe or spoile by sea or by 
land, or doe any acte of unjust or unlawfull hostilitie, to any 
of the subjects of us, our heires or successors, or to any of 
the subjects of any the kings, princes, rulers, Governours, or 
estates, being then in perfect league and amitie with us, our 
heires and successours, and that upon such injurie, or upon 
just complaint of any such Prince, Ruler, Governour or 
estate, or their subjects, wee, our heires and successors, shall 
make open Proclamation within any the portes of our 
Realme of England, that the saide Walter Ralegh, his heires 
and assignes, and adherents, or any to whom these our Let- 
ters patents may extende, shall within the termes to bee lim- 
ited, by such Proclamation, make full restitution, and satis- 
faction of all such injuries done : so as both we and the said 
Princes, or other so complaining, may hold us and themselves 
fully contented : And that if the said Walter Ralegh, his 
heires and assignes, shall not make or cause to be made satis- 
faction accordingly within such time so to be limited, that 
then it shal be lawful to us, our heires and successors, to put 
the sayd Walter Ralegh, his heires and assignes, and adher- 
ents, and all the inhabitants of the saide places to be dis- 
covered (as is aforesaid) or any of them out of our allegeance 
and protection, and that from and after such time of putting 
out of protection of the sayde Walter Ralegh, his heires, 
assignes and adherents, and others so to be put out, and the 
said places within their habitation, possession and rule, shall 
be out of our allegeance and protection, and free for all 
Princes and others to pursue with hostilitie, as being not our 
subjects, nor by us any way to be avouched, maintained, or 
defended, nor to be holden as any of ours, nor to our protec- 
tion, or dominion, or allegeance any way belonging : for that 
expresse mention of the cleere yeerely value of the certaintie 
of the premisses, or any part thereof, or of any other gift, or 
grant by us, or any our progenitors, or predecessors to the 
said Walter Ralegh, before this time made in these presents 
bee not expressed, or any other grant, ordinance, provision, 
proclamation, or restraint to the contrary thereof, before this 
time, given, ordained, or provided, or any other thing, cause, 



i8 

or matter whatsoever, in any wise notwithstanding. In wit- 
nesse whereof, wee have caused these our letters to be made 
Patents. VVitnesse our selves, at Westminster the five and 
twentie day of March, in tiie sixe and twentith yeere of our 
Raigns. 



An Extract ok Master Ralph Lane's Letter to M. Richard 
Hakluyt Es<,)UIre, and another Gentleman of the Middle 
Temple, from Virginia. 

In the meane while you shall understand, that since Sir Richard 
Greenvils departure from us, as also before, we have discovered the 
maine to be the goodliest soyle under the cope of heaven, so abound- 
ing with sweete trees, that bring such sundry rich and pleasant 
gummes, grapes of such greatnesse, yet wilde, as France, Spaine nor 
Italic have no greater, so many sorts of Apothecarie drugs, such sev- 
erall kindes of iiaxe, & one kind like silke, the same gathered of a 
grasse, as common there, as grasse is here. And now within these 
few dayes we have found here Maiz or Guinie wheate, whose eare 
yeeldeth corne for bread 400. upon one eare, and the Cane maketh 
very good and perfect sugar, also Terra Samia, otherwise Terra 
sigillata. Besides that, it is the goodliest and most pleasing Terri- 
torie of the world : for the continent is of an huge and unknowen 
greatnesse, and very well peopled and towned, though savagely, and 
the climate so wholesome, that wee had not one sicke since we 
touched the land here. To conclude, if Virginia had but horses 
and kine in some reasonable proportion, I dare assure my selfe being 
inhabited with English, no realme in Christendome were comparable 
to it. For this already we finde, that what commodities soever 
Spaine, France, Italy, or the East partes doe yeeld unto us, in wines 
of all sortes, in oyles, in flaxe, in rosens, pitch, frankensence, cor- 
rans, sugers, and such like, these parts doe abound with the growth 
of them all, but being Savages that possesse the land, they know no 
use of the same. And sundry other rich commodities, that no parts 
of the world, be they the West or East Indies, have, here wee finde 
great abundance of. The people naturally are most courteous and 
very desirous to have clothes, but especially of course cloth rather 
then silke, course canvas they also like well of, but copper caryeth 
the price of all, so it be made red. Thus good I\I. Hakluyt and 
M. H. I have joyned you both in one letter of remembrance, as two 
that I love dearely well and commending me most heartily to you 
both, I commit you to the tuition of the Almightie. From the new 
Fort in Virginia, this third of September, 1585. 

Your most assured friend Ralph Lane. 



19 



"History has recorded the lives of few men more renowned than Walter Ralegh, — the 
soldier, the sailor, the statesman, the courtier, the poet, the historian, and the philosopher. 
The age in which he lived, the versatility of his genius, his conspicuous services, and ' the deep 
damnation of his taking off,' — all conspired to exalt his memory among men and to render it 
immortal. Success often crowned his efforts in the service of his country, and the impress 
of his genius is clearly traced upon her history; but his greatest service to England and to 
the world was his pioneer effort to colonize America, in which he experienced the most mor- 
tifying defeat. Baffled in his endeavor to plant the English race upon this continent, he yet 
called into existence a spirit of enterprise which first gave Virginia and then North America 
to that race, and which led Great Britain from this beginning to dot the map of the world with 
her colonies, and through them to become the greatest power of the earth.'" 

These are the opening words of Mr. William Wirt Henry's valuable chapter upon Ralegh 
in the third volume of the " Narrative and Critical History of America," which volume is 
entirely devoted to English explorations and settlements in North America. Mr. Henry's 
chapter is followed by a critical essay on the sources of information about Ralegh's life and 
efforts for American colonization ; and this is commended to the student as the completest 
bibliography. The article on Ralegh in the "Dictionary of National Biography" should 
also be consulted. 

This great pioneer in the work of English colonization in America is in many ways the 
most brilliant name in the whole history of our period of colonization. As early as 1578, 
when he was but twenty-six years old, Ralegh sailed for America, commanding one of the 
seven ships in the fleet of Sir Humphrey Gilbert, his half-brother. He had already dis- 
co\'ered that the power of Spain was largely due to the wealth she derived from America, and 
he desired to secure for England the same source of power. His attention had been attracted 
to the coast of Florida by Coligny, whose Huguenot colony there had been destroyed by 
Menendez in 1565. Gilbert's fleet met with disaster, and was forced to return. The object 
of Ralegh's passionate desire remained, however, the English colonization of America. He 
furnished one of the Ave ships with which Sir Humphrey sailed, in 1583, upon his last and 
most disastrous voyage to America, and was only prevented from going with him by the 
order of the queen, who was unwilling that her favorite should incur the risk of any "danger- 
ous sea fights." In 1584 Ralegh obtained a new charter, given in the present leaflet, drawn 
more carefully with a view to foster colonization, giving the colonists "all the privileges of 
free denizens and persons native of England." To this provision, which was the ground 
upon which the struggle with the mother country leading to the Revolution and to American 
independence was maintained, we are doubtless indebted to Ralegh. In April, 15S4, Ralegh 
sent Captains Amadas and Barlowe with two ships to explore the Atlantic coast north of 
Florida, with a view to a permanent colony. Their report to Ralegh upon their return is 
given in the present leaflet. Their enthusiastic account delighted the queen as much as it 
delighted Ralegh, and she named the newly discovered country Virginia. Ralegh made 
everything ready by the next spring for planting a colony in Virginia. In April, 1585, seven 
ships sailed from Plymouth in command of his cousin, Sir Richard Grenville, "with one 
hundred householders and many things necessary' to begin a new state." 

The colony itself was put in the immediate charge of Ralph Lane ; and his deputy was 
Captain Philip Amadas, who had been one of the commanders of the first expedition, described 
in this leaflet. Thomas Cavendish and Thomas Hariot were other leading men in the company. 
Grenville landed the colony at Roanoke Island, leaving Lane in charge of more than a hun- 
dred men, and sailed for England, promising to return with supplies. His return was de- 
layed, and the sufferings of the colony were severe ; and Sir Francis Drake, putting in at 
Roanoke with his fleet, in 1586, after sacking St. Augustine, took the whole company back to 
England. A ship soon arrived with supplies sent by Ralegh, but, finding no one on the 
island, returned, as did Grenville, who arrived with three ships immediately afterwards. He 
left fifteen men, however, with provisions for two years, to retain possession of the country ; 
but when John White, sent by Ralegh the next year, with a hundred and fifty persons, came 
to Roanoke, it was to find that these men had been massacred by the natives. White, leaving 
his colony, returned to England for help : and, in his absence, the company mysteriously dis- 
appeared. It was learned after the settlement of Jamestown that they had intermixed with 
the natives, and finally had been massacred, only seven escaping. Ralegh, who had already 
spent forty thousand pounds in his efforts to colonize Virginia, continued to send out ships to 
look for his lost colony; and in 1602 he expressed his faith in the colonization of Virginia in. 
the words, " I shall yet live to see it an English nation." 

Mr. Henry well says: "Although the colonies he sent to Virginia perished, to Ralegh 
must be awarded the honor of securing the possession of North America to the English. 
It was through his enterprise that the advantages of its soil and climate were made known in 
England, and that the Chesapeake Bay was fixed upon as the proper place of settlement ; 
and it was his genius that created the spirit of colonization which led to the successful settle- 
ment upon that bay." Ten of the nineteen merchants who co-operated with him in sending 
out White's colony, which was destined ultimately for the Chesapeake, were afterwards sub- 
scribers to the Virginia Company which settled Jamestown. 



20 



There is a considerable original literature touching the Roanoke enterprise. Besides the 
account of the first expedition here given, the account of Grenville's voyage, in 15S5, was 
written by one of the persons accompanying ( irenville ; and the accoont of what happened 
after their arrival was written by one of the colonists, probably Ralph Lane himself. An 
account of the country was written by Thomas Hariot ; and John White wrote accounts of his 
voyages. These are all found together in Hakluyt, in the first volume of Hawks's " His- 
tory of North Carolina, '"and (in best form) in the volume on " Sir Walter Ralegh and his 
Colony in America," edited, with memoir and historical illustrations, by Rev. Increase N. 
Tarbox, published by the Prince Society. 

In 1595, and again in 1617, Ralegh himself commanded expeditions to the coast of 
South America, on the former sailing four hundred miles up the < )rinoco. Returning broken 
and dispirited from the second expedition in r6i.S, it was to find himself overwhelmed by his 
enemies; and his execution followed almost immediately. But Jamestown was now eleven 
years old, and the Pilgrims in Holland were thinking of New England. 

The voyages to Guiana are related by Ralegh himself. In Ralegh's " History of the 
World," as Mr. Henry notes, "he often illustrates his subject by the incidents of his own 
life; and thus we have in the book much of an autobiography." 

The lives of Ralegh are almost numberless. No Englishman of that great time, almost 
no man of any time, has been the subject of so many biographies. The most important of 
the early ones is that by William Oldys. The completest and most critical work is that by 
Edward' Edwards (1868), who in his introduction gives a good estimate of the preceding biog- 
raphies. Perhaps the best of the shorter lives is that by Stebbing (1891); and the brief 
biographies by Gosse, Towle, and Louise Creighton will serve the younger people. Gardi- 
ner, in his History of England, gives a complete account of Ralegh's public life from the 
ascension of James I., which is invaluable for the careful student. 




PUBLISHED BY 

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 




(©in :f>outf) ntailtt^ 



No. 93. 



The Settlement 
of London- 
derry, N.H. 



From Parker's History of Londonderry 



As the fathers of New England lied not so much from the 
civil government as from the hierarchy and the laws which 
enforced conformity to the Church establishment, so did the 
settlers of Londonderry emigrate, to escape religious rather 
than civil evils. Although by the Revolution of 1688, and 
the accession of William and the House of Hanover to the 
British throne, the Protestant cause was firmly established, 
peace restored to the island in which they dwelt, and toler- 
ation of religious sentiments allowed, still, as Presbyterians, 
and Dissenters from the Church of England, they experienced 
many embarrassments. 

They were, indeed, permitted to maintain their own forms 
of worship unmolested. Still, they were compelled to aid in 
supporting a minister of the established religion, and a tenth 
part of all their increase was rigorously exacted for this pur- 
pose. They also held their lands and tenements by lease from 
the crown, and not as proprietors of the soil. With an inex- 
tinguishable thirst for liberty, they could not bear to be thus 
trammelled in their civil and religious rights. 

Their position in Ireland was uncomfortable, also, sur- 
rounded as they were with the native Irish, who adhered 
with tenacity to the Church of Rome; and though they were 
then subjugated to Protestant power, and not permitted openly 
to persecute as they had done, yet a spirit of hostility still 
existed, and was in various ways expressed. Many circum- 
stances, in addition to the original strong traits of character 
which separate the Scotch from the Irish, had served to in-/ 
flame and strengthen the enmity existing between them. . . . 



It was in view of tliese embarrassments and evils expe- 
rienced in their native land that this body of emigrants were 
disposed to leave their homes and the many comforts there 
enjoyed for an untried region, and the labors and sufferings 
incident to a settlement in a new country.* 

That such were their motives \ve learn from a manuscript 
sermon of the Rev. James MacGregor, one of the four pastors 
who accompanied their flocks to America, and the first min- 
ister of Londonderry. It was addressed to them on the eve 
of their embarking for this country. His discourse was from 
those very appropriate words of Moses, when conducting the 
chosen tribes to the promised land : " If thy presence go not 
with me, carry us not up hence." 

In the application of the subject to their emigration, he 
states the following as reasons of their removal to America : 
I. To avoid oppression and cruel bondage; 2. To shun 
persecution and designed ruin ; 3. To withdraw^ from the 
communion of idolaters ; 4. To have an opportunity of wor- 
shipping God according to the dictates of conscience and 
the rules of his inspired Word. 

They were, moreover, induced to contemplate a settlement 
in this land by the favorable report of a young man by the 
name of Holmes, the son of a Presbyterian clergyman, who 
had visited this country. Encouraged by his representations 
of the civil and religious privileges which w^ere enjoyed by 
the American colonies, his father and three other Presbyterian 
ministers, James MacGregor, William Cornwell, and \\'illiam 
Boyd, with a portion of their respective congregations, deter- 
mined on a removal to this country. 

* The residence of the iSIc Keens, IMacGregors, Nesmiths, Dinsmores, and mar.y other 
of the emigrants to Londonderry, was in tlie valley of the river Bann, and in or near the 
towns or parislies of Coleraine, Ballymoney, Ballywoolen, Ballywatick, and Kilrea. 

A distinguished descendant of one of the early settlers writes to the author, as follows : 
" On a voyage to the Old World, a few years since, I could not resist the inclination to visit 
the temporary resting-place of our forefathers, in Ireland. Not anticipating such an excur- 
sion when I left home, I was miserably prepared for taking advantage of what others knew 
as to the exact location of our ancestors. I only knew that Londonderry, Coleraine, Antrim, 
Ballymonev, and I'.elfast were some of tlieir places of residence, and of course could receive 
only general appreciations of their homes. Still, viewing the vast extent of excellent land, 
still uncultivated, the beauty of the scenery, the mildness of the winters (on the 30th of 
March, 1845, I saw peaches in full blossom, in the open air, at Belfast), I could not but real- 
ize that moral heroism which could induce men, perfectly advised of all tliey were to expect 
or obtain, to emigrate to tlie New World. Men, in the most wild belief of the precious 
metals, will seek new countries with reckless disregard of all consequences, (^ur Irish 
ancestors knew that thev were lea\ing a heitcr country for a /'oorrr (speaking agriculturally) 
and with only the prospect of toil before them. Imagination lent no charms to the future. 
Tliey must have had motives reaching beyond the present. Their ciiaracters and, I believe, 
the moral tone of the vast masses of their widely spread descendants leave us in no doubt 
of the true impulses which governed them." 



In order to prepare the way and secure a reception and a 
place of settlement on their arrival here, they despatched, early 
in the year 1718, Rev. Mr. Boyd, with an address to Governor 
Shute, of Massachusetts, expressing a strong desire to remove 
to New England, should he afford them suitable encourage- 
ment. They also empowered Mr. Boyd to make all the neces- 
sary arrangements with the civil authority for their reception. 

The address is very concise and appropriate, and is signed 
by three hundred and nineteen, each subscribing his own name 
in a fair and legible hand, except thirteen, whose marks are 
affixed. That so large a proportion, in the circumstances in 
which they were placed while in Ireland, were able to write, is 
a facf that serves very clearly to show that, as a company, they 
M^ere superior to the common class of emigrants. Nine of the 
subscribers were ministers of the gospel, and three others were 
graduates at the University in Scotland. The document is on 
parchment, in a good state of preservation, and may be re- 
garded as a valuable relic of these early adventurers to this 
land. 

Mr. Boyd received from Governor Shute the desired encour- 
agement. On communicating it to his friends in Ireland, by 
whom he had been commissioned, they immediately converted 
their property into money, embarked in five ships for Boston, 
and arrived there Aug. 4, 17 18. 

That portion of the emigrants who had been the charge of 
Rev.. Mr. MacGregor in Ireland, and others who joined them, 
wished to unite, that they might continue to enjoy his labors as 
their pastor. Among this number were the McKeen families, 
with their connections. 

James McKeen, brother-in-law to Mr. MacGregor, and who 
appears to have been the leading influential member of this 
body, on conferring with Governor Shute, was informed that 
there was good land in the vicinity of Casco Bay, Me., which 
they might have, and where they could carry into effect their 
particular design as a community, and secure the enjoyment 
of religious ordinances under the ministry of their favorite 
teacher. 

Another portion of this company of emigrants repaired to 
Worcester, and there attempted to form a settlement and enjoy 
religious privileges under the ministry of one of the pastors 
who had accompanied them to this country. And, although 
they were an industrious, orderly, worthy, and pious congrega- 



tion, yet, in consequence of their being foreigners, especially 
from Ireland, and introducing the Presbyterian mode of wor- 
ship, which was before unknown in New England, the preju- 
dices of the Congregational communities in Worcester were so 
strong and bitter towards ihem that they were compelled to 
leave the place. They in consequence separated, and were dis- 
persed through the country. Some of these families settled in 
Coleraine, some in Palmer, some in Pelham, and some in other 
towns in Massachusetts, and, being joined by emigrants, from 
time to time, from the old country, formed those Presbyterian 
societies which existed for many years in these several towns. 

A considerable number of this body of emigrants, on arriv- 
ing at Boston, saw fit to remain in that city, and, uniting with 
those of their countrymen of their own faith whom they found 
there, formed the first Presbyterian church and society, over 
which the Rev. John Morehead was installed pastor. It was 
at first styled the Presbyterian church in Long Lane, — subse- 
quently Federal Street. 

Sixteen of the families who had purposed to form a distinct 
settlement, and become the charge of the Rev. Mr. MacGregor, 
embarked in a vessel for Casco Bay, in order to select a town- 
ship ; while the remaining families, with Mr. MacGregor, re- 
tired from Boston into the country, some to Andover, others 
to Dracut, until a suitable tract of land should be found for a 
permanent settlement. 

The party that left Boston for Casco Bay arrived there late 
in the season ; and, it proving to be a very early and cold 
winter, the vessel was frozen in. Many of the families, not 
being able to find accommodations on shore, were obliged to 
pass the whole winter on board the ship, suffering severely froni 
the want of food, as well as of conveniences of situation. 

Willis, in his History of Portland, referring to this event, 
says: "In the autumn of 1718 a vessel arrived in the harbor 
of Falmouth, now Portland, with twenty families of emigrants 
from Ireland. They were descendants of a colony from 
Argyleshire in Scotland, and settled in the north of Ireland 
about the middle of the seventeenth century. They were rigid 
Presbyterians, and fled from Scotland to avoid the persecutions 
of Charles I. They suffered severely during the winter here. 
Their provisions failed, and our inhabitants had neither shelter 
nor food sufficient for so large an accession to the popu- 
lation. In December the inhabitants petitioned the General 



5 

Court at Boston for relief. They stated their grievances as 
follows : ' That there are now in the town about three hundred 
souls, most of whom are arrived from Ireland, of which not 
one-half have provision enough to live upon over winter, and 
so poor that they are not able to buy any, and none of the first 
inhabitants so well furnished as that they are able to supply 
them ' ; and they prayed that the Court would consider their 
desolate circumstances by reason of the great company of 
poor strangers arrived among them, and take speedy and 
effectual care of their supply. On this application the Court 
ordered ' that one hundred bushels of Indian meal be allowed, 
and paid out of the treasury, for the poor Irish people men- 
tioned in the petition.' " It is subjoined, in a note to this 
record, that James McKeen, the grandfather of the first presi- 
dent of Bowdoin College, was of this company, and the agent 
who selected the land on which they settled. 

On the opening of spring the little colony prepared to com- 
mence an examination of the territory to which they had been 
directed by Governor Shute. As they disembarked in this new 
country, to which they had come to seek a residence for them- 
selves and their descendants, they assembled, according to tra- 
dition, on the shore, and joined in acts of religious worship, 
devoutly acknowledging the divine goodness in their preserva- 
tion upon the great deep, and during the unusually severe 
winter which they had experienced. No one of their number 
had suffered by sickness or been removed by death. Standing 
on the shore of the ocean which separated them from their 
native land, they offered their devout praises in that " most 
touching of all songs," the one hundredth and thirty-seventh 
psalm. As they surveyed the unsubdued and uninhabited 
country around them, and looked back upon the homes of 
their youth and upon the blessings and comforts which they 
had there possessed, amidst their many trials, they were ready 
to hang their harps upon the willows, and say, " How shall we 
sing the Lord's song in a strange land ! " But they looked for- 
ward, with hope and constancy, to the attainment of the great 
object for which they had come, — religious freedom. And 
as they renewed their covenant vows, and called to mind the 
persecuted, suffering state of the Church in their native land, 
they could with fixed determination say, as did the Jewish cap- 
tives, '' If I forget thee, O Jerusalem, let my right hand forget 
her cunning ; if I do not remember thee, let my tongue cleave 



to the roof of my mouth, if I prefer not Jerusalem above my 
chief joy." 

They were not men to be put back or turned aside by ob- 
stacles. They had counted the cost of their undertaking, and 
were prepared to meet it. After having explored for some dis- 
tance the country eastward from Casco Bay, and finding no 
tract of land that pleased them, they concluded to return, and, 
directing their course westward, entered the Merrimack, which 
they ascended to Haverhill, where they arrived the 2d of April, 
old style. While at Haverhill, they heard of a fine tract of land 
about fifteen miles distant, called Nutfield, on account of the 
abundance of chestnut, butternut, and walnut trees which dis- 
tinguished the growth of its forests. The men, leaving their 
families at Haverhill, came and examined the tract ; and, ascer- 
taining that it was not appropriated, they at once decided here 
to take up the grant which they had obtained from the govern- 
ment of Massachusetts, of a township twelve miles square of 
any of her unappropriated lands. 

Having selected the spot on which to commence their settle- 
ment, and having built a few temporary huts, which they left 
in charge of two or three of their number, they returned to 
Haverhill to bring on their families, their provisions, their im- 
plements of labor, and what little household furniture they 
could collect. A part of the company returned from Haverhill 
by the way of Dracut, where Mr. MacGregor had passed the 
winter in teaching, that they might bring him with them ; the 
others came more directly. The two parties arrived at about 
the same time, and met, as tradition says, at a spot ever after 
termed Horse Hill, from the fact of their having there tied 
their horses while they surveyed the territory around. The 
day of their arrival here, and on which the settlement com- 
menced, was the eleventh day of April, old style, 17 19. 

Mr. MacGregor, on meeting this portion of his beloved flock, 
from whom he had been separated some months since their 
arrival in America, and on the spot so happily selected as the 
place of their future residence, made an affectionate and im- 
pressive address, in which he congratulated them on the propi- 
tious termination of their wanderings, their signal preservation 
as a company while crossing the ocean, and since their arrival 
in this country, and exhorted them to continued confidence in 
God, planted as they now were in the wilderness, and strangers 
in a strange land. 



Having with them explored more fully the territory which 
had been selected as a township, and made some general 
arrangements as to their future proceedings, he returned to 
his family in Dracut. Before leaving them, he delivered, April 
12, under a large oak, on the east side of Beaver Pond, the 
first sermon ever preached in this town. His text was from 
the prophecy of Isaiah, xxxii. 2 : " And a man shall be as a 
hiding-place from the wind, and a covert from the tempest ; as 
rivers of water in a dry place ; as the shadow of a great rock 
in a weary land." Then, for the first time, did this wilderness 
and solitary place, over which the savage tribes had for centu- 
ries roamed, resound with the voice of prayer and praise, and 
echo to the sound of the gospel. The spot where this relig- 
ious service was held, especially the tree around which they 
assembled, was long after regarded with a degree of reverence 
not unlike that felt by the patriarch in regard to the spot on 
which he rested, when favored with the heavenly vision. On 
the prostration of this venerable oak through decay, the owner 
of the field in which it stood planted a young apple-tree among 
its decayed roots, which is now a thrifty tree, and will long 
serve to designate the venerated spot. 

The field on which they first erected their rude cabins, as a 
temporary accommodation for their families, and which they 
cultivated the first year in common, lies not far from the turn- 
pike as it crosses West-running Brook, and has ever since been 
called " the common-field." 

As soon as the company of settlers had organized them- 
selves into a religious society, in order to the full and stated 
enjoyment of divine ordinances, which was the leading object 
of their emigration, they proceeded, according to the prescribed 
order of the Presbyterian church, to present in due form a call 
to the Rev. James MacGregor to become their pastor. 

Some of them had been his pastoral charge while in Ireland, 
and all were well satisfied as to his worth and his distin- 
guished gifts as a minister of Christ. Some time in May follow- 
ing, Mr. MacGregor, in compliance with their call, removed 
with his family from Dracut to their settlement, and assumed 
the pastoral charge of the society. As no presbytery then 
existed in New England, there could be no formal installation ; 
nor was it essentially needful, as Mr. MacGregor had received 
ordination some years before, in Ireland. A formal and public 
recognition of the ecclesiastical relation thus formed between 
them was all that in this case was requisite. 



Accordingly, on a day appointed for the purpose, the people 
having assembled, he, in connection with appropriate religious 
services, solemnly assumed the pastoral charge of the church 
and congregation ; and they with like solemnity, and by a 
formal act, received him as their pastor and spiritual guide. 

He preached to them on the occasion from those appro- 
priate and, as it regarded this infant settlement, truly pro- 
phetic words (Ezekiel xxxvii. 26), "Moreover, I will make a 
covenant of peace with them ; it shall be an everlasting cove- 
nant with them ; and I will place them, and multiply them, 
and will set my sanctuary in the midst of them for evermore." 

Having sho\vn that it is the Lord who places a people in a 
land, multiplies them therein, and affords them the ordinances 
of religion, he reminded his brethren that " they should de- 
voutly acknowledge the providence of God in all past changes, 
particularly in their emigration to this New^ World ; that they 
should live by faith in what was before them ; fervently pray 
that God would continue to bless them ; be firmly united 
one with another ; walk in the fear of God, and keep his 
charge." * 

These discourses, delivered by their venerated author on 
occasions so interesting, are noticed, for the purpose of show- 
ing that the removal and settlement of this company of emi- 
grants was from religious principle, and in reliance upon the 
divine guidance and protection. And has not the promise 
contained in the inspired passage from which he addressed his 
little flock been most strikingly fulfilled in respect to the set- 
tlement they were then commencing ? God, in his providence, 
not only planted them here, but greatly multiplied them, so 
that from this settlement many others were early formed. It 
proved a most fruitful vine. He also set his sanctuary in the 
midst of them, and has continued to them and to their de- 
scendants in this place, without interruption for more than a 
century, the ordinances of religion. From that memorable day 
on which this sermon was preached, and the Christian ministry 
established among this people, to the present,! a period of one 
hundred and thirty years, they have at no time been destitute 
of a settled ministry, and the full enjoyment of gospel privi- 
leges. The churches and religious societies here early estab- 
lished have been signally preserved and prospered, retaining, 

* The original manuscript of this sermon, with other manuscript sermons of Rev. James 
MacGregor, is now (1851) in the possession of Rev. John M. Whiton, D.D., of Antrim, 
N.H. tiSsi. 



amidst the many changes and divisions in surrounding commu- 
nities, the same faith and the same mode of church govern- 
ment and reUgious worship originally adopted. . . . 

Those who first composed the settlement were the following 
sixteen men with their families, namely : — 

James McKeen, John Barnett, Archibald Clendenin, John 
Mitchell, James Sterrett, James Anderson, Randal Alexander, 
James Gregg, James Clark, James Nesmith, Allen Anderson, 
Robert Weir, John Morrison, Samuel Allison, Thomas Steele, 
and John Stuart. These pioneers of the settlement were most 
of them men in middle life, robust, persevering, and adventu- 
rous, well suited to encounter the toils and endure the hard- 
ships of such an undertaking. Most of them attained to 
advanced age. They lived to see their descendants settled 
around them, and the forest into which they had penetrated 
converted into a fruitful field. The average age of thirteen of 
the number, of whose age alone we have any record, was sev- 
enty-nine years. Six attained to nearly ninety, and two sur- 
passed it. John Morrison, the oldest of this company, lived to 
the advanced age of ninety-seven years. 

In order to secure the advantages of near neighborhood, and 
be thereby the better protected against the attacks of the Ind- 
ians in case of hostilities, with which the colonies were at the 
time threatened, these first families planted themselves on each 
side of a small brook, which from the direction of its course 
they called West-running Brook. And they decided that their 
home-lots should be but thirty rods wide, fronting the brook, 
and to be extended back on a north and south line until they 
made up sixty acres each. By such an arrangement, their 
dwellings were brought into close vicinity, and formed what 
has ever since been termed the Double Range. This range 
was, for more than half a century, an interesting and populous 
section of the town. But the houses, once inhabited by flour- 
ishing families, have been one after another removed or demol- 
ished ; and nothing now remains but the half-filled cellar to 
mark the place where they once stood. This arrangement in 
the early location of their dwellings, although it afforded them 
the advantages of neighborhood, and greater protection in case 
of assault, was, however, not so favorable to the uniform di- 
vision of the township into lots and the regularity of the high- 
ways. The multiplicity of the roads, bending in every direction 
to accommodate, as it would seem, the settlers, as they planted 



10 

themselves, without any previous plan, in different parts of the 
town, and the consequent trouble and expense which have 
been realized in straightening and improving them, may be 
traced to this injudicious arrangement in the early settlement. 

Being at the time a frontier town, and exposed to a savage 
foe, in consequence of a war with the Eastern Indians, which 
broke out soon after their arrival, they erected two stone gar- 
rison-houses. These were strongly built, and well prepared to 
resist an attack. To these the several families retired at night, 
whenever danger from the foe was apprehended. There was, 
however, one of their number, James Blair, a man of giant 
stature and of fearless courage, who scorned thus to shelter 
himself from his Indian enemies. He would never enter the 
garrison, but, with his trusty arms, remained without and 
alone. It was reported that this man, who, like Saul, king of 
Israel, " was from his shoulders and upward higher than any of 
the people," more than once, in consequence of his stature, 
saved his own life and that of his neighbors. After the close 
of one of the wars the Indians related that they had lain in 
ambush, while Blair and others were at work in the field, and 
had opportunities to kill him, but, seeing his huge form, they 
dared not shoot, thinking him a god. Although, during one of 
the most severe Indian wars, Londonderry was a frontier town, 
and therefore exposed to greater dangers than the more inte- 
rior settlements, yet the town was never assailed. The yell of 
the savage and the shriek of the murdered settler were never 
heard here. 

Tradition ascribes the signal preservation of this colony 
from the attacks of the Indians to the influence of the Rev. 
Mr. MacGregor with the Marquis de Vaudreuil, the French 
governor of Canada. It is said that they were classmates at 
college, that a correspondence was maintained between them, 
and that, at the request and representation of his former friend, 
the governor caused means to be used for the protection of the 
settlement. He induced the Catholic priests to charge the 
Indians not to injure any of these people, as they were differ- 
ent from the English, and to assure them that no bounty 
should be paid for their scalps, and that, if they killed any of 
them, their sins would not be forgiven. That such was the 
fact the early inhabitants firmly believed. In confirmation 
of this tradition, on a manuscript sermon-book of Mr. Mac- 
Gregor's which has been preserved is found the name of this 



II 

French gentleman, and the various titles of office which he 
held, and by which he would of course be addressed. 

Their signal exemption from savage hostilities may also, in 
Divine Providence, be ascribed to the fact of their securing, 
through Colonel Wheelwright, a fair and acknowledged Indian 
title to their township, which will be more particularly noticed. 

The first company of settlers were soon joined by many of 
their countrymen who had emigrated with them to America, 
and had dispersed through the country, aw^aiting the selection 
of a township, so that before the close of the first year the 
number of families was very considerably increased. As the 
account of their settlement and the privileges they here en- 
joyed reached their friends and fellow-sufferers in Ireland, 
many were induced to follow them to this land, and join their 
community. And although many obtained with difficulty the 
means of transporting themselves and families, — some even 
binding themselves to a term of labor after their arrival, in 
order to pay for their passage to this country, — yet they were 
soon able, on coming to this town, to obtain a comfortable 
support. No price was paid for the land, it being a free grant 
from the king to these his loyal subjects of the old country, 
many of them, as we have seen, faithful champions in the fa- 
mous siege and defence of Londonderry in Ireland, — an event 
which contributed so directly and powerfully to the establish- 
ment of his throne. Each settler had allotted him one hun- 
dred and twenty acres, a home-lot, and an out-lot of sixty acres 
each. Being a very hardy, industrious, frugal people, and 
favored from the first with moral and religious institutions, 
they soon became a thriving, prosperous, and respectable 
community. 

Their dwellings were at first of logs, and covered with bark. 
The first framed house in the town was that of the Rev. James 
MacGregor, their pastor, erected soon after his settlement. It 
is yet standing and in good repair. The second framed house 
was erected by John McMurphy, Esq., and is also standing. 

For a time they necessarily endured many privations and 
hardships. Their habitations were not only rude, but "their 
food was meagre in kind and not abundant in quantity." 
Being without beasts of burden, much of their provision, dur- 
ing the first two years of their settlement, was brought by the 
men upon their shoulders from Haverhill, and from Andover, 
Mass. 



12 

In consequence of their vicinity to the falls of Amoskeag, 
they were enabled to provide themselves with fish. They were 
first directed to these falls by an Indian who visited their set- 
tlement. Taking Mr. MacGregor to an eminence, and point- 
ing to a tall pine at a distance, he informed him that they 
were in that direction. Aided by this, he was enabled with 
his compass to mark out a course to the falls, to which he, 
with a few of the settlers, immediately repaired, and, with the 
scoop-net which they had provided, readily secured a supply 
of salmon and shad, with which the Merrimack abounded. 
This, for a long time, was to the inhabitants of Londonderry a 
most valuable resource. Being within a few miles of this im- 
portant fishing-place, they could with little inconvenience and 
labor obtain an annual supply of fish, which constituted an 
important article of food, especially before their fields became 
productive. Subsequently, and for many years, they lived 
mainly upon potatoes, bean-porridge, samp, and barley broth. 
It was long before the use of tea and coffee was introduced 
among them. They were happily strangers to these debili- 
tating drinks, which now constitute, in most families, an ap- 
pendage to almost every meal. 

Their hard labor and homely fare contributed much, no 
doubt, to that robust health, great strength, and longevity by 
which they were as a company distinguished. In the labor of 
subduing and cultivating the soil, the women vied with the 
men. " Being," says Dr. Belknap, in his History of New 
Hampshire, "a peculiarly industrious, frugal, hardy, intelli- 
gent, and well-principled people, they proved a valuable 
acquisition to the province into which they had removed, 
contributing much, by their arts and their industry, to its 
welfare." 

They introduced the culture of the potato, which they 
brought with them from Ireland. Until their arrival, this val- 
uable vegetable, now regarded as one of the necessaries of life, 
if not wholly unknown, \vas not cultivated in New England. 
To them belongs the credit of its introduction to general use. 
Although highly prized by this company of settlers, it was for 
a long time but little regarded by their English neighbors, 
a barrel or two being considered a supply for a family. But its 
value as food for man and for beast became at length more 
generally known ; and who can now estimate the full advantage 
of its cultivation to this country ! The following well-authenti- 



13 

cated fact will show how little known to the community at 
large the potato must have been. 

A few of the settlers had passed the winter previous to their 
establishment here in Andover, Mass. On taking their de- 
parture from one of the families, with whom they had resided, 
they left a few potatoes for seed. The potatoes were accord- 
ingly planted, came up and flourished well, blossomed and 
produced balls, which the family supposed were the fruit to be 
eaten. They cooked the balls in various ways, but could not 
make them palatable, and pronounced them unfit for food. 
The next spring, while ploughing their garden, the plough 
passed through where the potatoes had grown, and turned out 
some of great size, by which means they discovered their 
mistake. 

These settlers also introduced the art of manufacturing 
linen of a superior quality, the materials for which they 
brought with them ; and, as soon as their lands would admit of 
its cultivation, the flax was considered among the most valued 
articles of produce. The spinning-wheel turned by the foot, 
and which came into general use, they first brought into the 
country ; and it proved of essential service to this community. 
To the hand-card, the foot-wheel, and the loom, the common 
implements of manufacture in almost every family, was the 
town principally indebted for its early prosperity and its 
wealth. 

Of such superior quality was the linen, the thread, and the 
other fabrics manufactured in Londonderry that they com- 
manded not only a more ready sale, but a higher price than 
those produced elsewhere. Hence many were induced to im- 
pose upon the public by selling as Derry manufacture that 
which was produced in other places. 

To prevent this fraud, a town meeting was called in 1748 
^'to appoint proper and fit persons to survey and inspect 
linens and hollands, made in this town, for sale, so that the 
credit of our manufactory be kept up, and the purchasers of 
our linens may not be imposed upon, with foreign and out- 
landish linens, in the name of ours ; and any other method 
that may be thought proper and necessary for that end as may 
be agreed upon." It was accordingly voted, " that the select- 
men purchase seals to seal all the linens that are made in said 
Londonderry, and that John McMurphy, Esq., and John Wal- 
lace, yeoman, be sealers and inspectors of the hollands and 



14 

linens that are made, or to be made, in our town ; whether 
brown, white, speckled, striped, or checked, that are to be ex- 
posed for sale ; and the said sealers and inspectors shall seal 
any of the aforesaid linen with a stamp in each end of the 
piece of cloth, with the words ' Londonderry, in New Hamp- 
shire,' and give a certificate to the persons that are owners of 
the cloth, of their so doing ; for which stamp, inspection, and 
certificate they shall receive from the owners of said linen six- 
pence, old tenor, for each piece." It was also voted "to peti- 
tion the General Assembly of the province for a special act to 
guard against any fraud that might be perpetrated in the afore- 
said affair, or any other thing necessary for the intended good 
purposes." 

Weaving, in the earlier periods of the settlement, was per- 
formed by men, and not, as subsequently, by women. It was 
regarded as among the more respectable employments, the art 
being had in high repute, and carried by many of this people 
to a degree of perfection then unequalled in the country. Of 
this the following fact affords an illustration, John Montgom- 
ery emigrated to this town in 1747, and established himself 
here as a weaver. He married the daughter of Colonel 
George Knox. She had lived some years in the family of Rev. 
David MacGregor, to whom she was related. He subse- 
quently removed to Andover, Mass. During the Revolutionary 
War, Mr. Montgomery received from Congress forty pounds 
and a diamond ring as a premium for linen woven for Wash- 
ington and the officers of the army. This ring he gave to his 
eldest daughter Jane, the wife of John Clark, Esq., of Salem, 
N.Y., and it is now (185 1) in the hands of a grand-daughter 
as a memorial of the interesting fact. The sale, throughout the 
New England and some of the Middle States, of the thread 
and linen here manufactured, became to those who engaged in 
it a lucrative business. Many were thus constantly employed. 
Two of the largest estates accumulated in the town, and to 
which the inhabitants are much indebted for the support of 
their religious and literary institutions, were commenced and 
advanced in this way. The Pinkertons, John and James, — 
names to be had in grateful remembrance by the people of 
Derry and Londonderry, — began business as venders of these 
articles of home manufacture. 

The females among the early settlers were distinguished for 
habits of industry. Rarely would one enter a dwelling without 



15 

hearing the hum of the wheel or the stroke of the loom. All 
articles of clothing in those days were of domestic manufact- 
ure. The wool and the tlax were carded, spun, woven, col- 
ored, and made into garments at home. To use foreign goods 
was considered great extravagance. For several years their 
woollen cloths were not even fulled. . . . 

In securing a valid title to their township, the first settlers 
of Londonderry experienced no little embarrassment. They 
at first supposed that their settlement fell within the province 
of Massachusetts Bay, and therefore applied to the General 
Court of that province for the confirmation of their former 
grant ; but the Court decided that they were not under their 
jurisdiction. 

They therefore, in September, 17 19, applied to the General 
Court of New Hampshire for an act of incorporation and the 
enjoyment of town privileges. The following is a copy from 
the original petition now among the collections of the New 
Hampshire Historical Society : — 

"The humble petition of the people late from Ireland, now 
settled at Nutfield, to His Excellency the Governour and Gen- 
eral Court assembled at Portsmouth, Sept. 23, 1719, — Humbly 
sheweth : — 

" That your petitioners having made application to the Gen- 
eral Court met at Boston in October last, and having obtained 
a grant for a township in any part of their unappropriated 
lands, took incouragement thereupon to settle at Nutfield 
about the Eleventh of April last, which is situated by estima- 
tion about fourteen miles from Haverel meeting-house to the 
north-west, and fifteen miles from Dracut meeting-house on the 
River Merrimack north and by east. 

"That your petitioners since their settlement have found 
that the said Nutfield is claimed by three or four different 
parties by virtue of Indian deeds, yet none of them offered any 
disturbance to your petitioners except one party from Newbury 
and Salem. Their deed, from one John, Indian, bears date 
March 13, Anno Dom. 1701, and imports that they had made 
a purchase of the said land for five pounds. By virtue of this 
deed they claim ten miles square westward from Haverel line ; 
and one Caleb Moody of Newbury, in their name, discharged 
our people from clearing or any way improving the said land, 
unless we agreed that twenty or five and twenty families at 



i6 

most should dwell there, and that all the rest of the land 
should be reserved for them. 

" That your petitioners, by reading the grant of the crown 
of Great IBritain to the province of Massachusetts Bay, which 
determineth their northern line three miles from the River 
Merrimack from any and every part of the River, and by 
advice from such as were more capable to judge of this affair, 
are satisfied that the said Nuffield is within his majesties 
province of New Hampshire, which we are further confirmed 
in, because the General Court, met at Boston in May last, 
upon our renewed application, did not think fit any way to 
intermeddle with the said land. 

" That your petitioners, therefore, embrace this opportunity 
of addressing this Honourable Court, praying that their town- 
ship may consist of ten miles square, or in a figure equivalent 
to it, they being already in number about seventy families and 
inhabitants, and more of their friends arrived from Ireland, to 
settle with them, and many of the people of New England set- 
tling with them ; and that, they being so numerous, may be 
erected into a township with its usual privileges, and have a 
power of making town officers and laws. That, being a fron- 
tier place, they may the better subsist by government amongst 
them, and may be more strong and full of inhabitants. That 
your petitioners being descended from, and professing the 
faith and principles of the established church of North Britain, 
and loyal subjects of the British crown in the family of his 
majesty king George, and incouraged by the happy administra- 
tion of his majesties chief governour in these provinces, and 
the favourable inclination of the good people of New England 
to their brethren, adventuring to come over and plant in this 
vast wilderness, humbly expect a fav^ourable answer from this 
Honourable Court, and your petitioners as in duty bound shall 
ever pray, etc. Subscribed at Nutfield, in the name of our 
people, Sept. 21, 17 19, by 

" James Gregg, 
'' Robert Wear." 

The petition is indorsed as follows : — 

"James Gregg and Rob't Wear. In behalf of a company of 
Irish at Nutfield, to be a township. Sept. 24, 17 19, read, — 
minuted and suspended, — read again April 29, 1720, and 
minuted." 



This petition, drawn up with so much clearness and simplic- 
ity, presents some interesting facts as to the infant settlement, 
particularly the rapid increase of the population. It com- 
menced in April, with sixteen families. In September of the 
same year there were seventy families. 

The lieutenant governor of the province declined making an 
actual grant, as the tract of territory including this and other 
townships was, at that time, in dispute between the crown and 
the heirs of one Allen ; but by advice of council he gave a pro- 
tection, and extended to them the benefits of government, 
appointing James McKeen, a man of distinguished probity, 
ability, and intelligence, justice of the peace, and Robert Weir, 
sheriff. ... 

Notwithstanding they now enjoyed the protection of govern- 
ment, and were thus encouraged to proceed in their settlement, 
still the settlers of Londonderry were unwilling to possess 
themselves of lands, once the undisputed property of the abo- 
rigines, without a fair purchase of their claims. 

Being informed that Colonel John Wheelwright, of Wells, 
Me., had the best Indian title to this tract of country, derived 
from his ancestor, the Rev. John Wheelwright, and supposing 
this to be valid in a moral point of view, they deputed a com- 
mittee, consisting of Rev. Mr. MacGregor and Samuel Graves, 
to ^^ait upon Colonel Wheelwright, and secure, if possible, his 
title to the land. The committee were successful, and ob- 
tained of him a deed of land, ten miles square, in virtue of a 
grant, dated May 17, 1629, and approved by the then existing 
authorities, made to his grandfather, a minister of the gospel, 
and to others named in said grant, by sundry Indian chiefs, 
with the consent of their tribes. 

It appears that the Rev. John Wheelwright, and others of 
Massachusetts, proposing to form a settlement in the neighbor- 
hood of Piscataqua River, assembled a council of Indians at 
Exeter, and by fair purchase obtained a deed from the four 
principal sagamores of all the territory lying between the river 
Piscataqua and the Merrimack, bounded by the Atlantic Ocean 
on the east, on the south by the Merrimack to Pawtucket 
Falls, thence by a line north-west twenty miles to Amherst 
Plain, thence by a line running north-east to Piscataqua River, 
thence down the river to the ocean. 

It must be truly satisfactory to the inhabitants of London- 
derry that the soil on which their fathers erected their habita- 



tions, and which they now cultivate, was not wrested from the 
original and rightful owners by force, as in too many instances 
was the case, in the settlement of our country. . . . 

In June, 1722, three years after the commencement of their 
settlement, the tract of land which they had selected, and 
which heretofore had been called Nutfield, was incorporated as 
a township by the name of Londonderry, in commemoration of 
the city in and near to which most of them had resided in their 
native land. 

The charter conveyed to the proprietors whose names were 
annexed, amounting at that early day to more than a hundred, 
in the name of George III., a tract of land ten miles square 
and duly bounded, and that the same be a town incorporate, 
by the name of Londonderry; to have and to hold the said 
land, to the grantees, their heirs and assigns, upon the follow- 
ing conditions, namely : — 

"That the proprietors of every share build a dwelling-house 
within three years and settle a family therein ; and that he 
break up three acres of land, and plant and sow the same 
within four years, and pay his or their proportion of the town 
charges when and so often as occasion shall require the same ; 
that a meeting-house shall be built in four years ; that, upon 
the default of any particular proprietor in complying with the 
condition of this charter on his part, such delinquent proprietor 
shall forfeit his share to the other proprietors, to be disposed 
of by vote of the major part of the proprietors ; the said men 
and inhabitants rendering and paying for the same to us and 
to our successors or to such officer or officers as shall be ap- 
pointed to receive the same the annual quit-rent or acknowl- 
edgment of one peck of potatoes on the first day of October, 
yearly, forever ; reserving also to our heirs and successors all 
mast-trees growing on said tract of Londonderry." After mak- 
ing provision for an annual town meeting, the charter further 
enacts "that on every Wednesday in the week forever they 
may hold, keep, and enjoy a market for the buying and selling 
of goods, wares, and merchandise and various kinds of creat- 
ures, endowed with the usual privileges, profits, and immunities 
as other market towns fully hold, possess, and enjoy, and two 
fairs annually, forever ; first to be held and kept within the 
said town on the eighth day of November next and so annu- 
ally, forever ; the other on the eighth day of May in like 
manner. Provided, if it should so happen that at any time 



19 

either of these days fall on the Lord's day, then the said 
fair shall be held and kept the day following it. The said fair 
shall have, hold, and enjoy the liberties, privileges, and immu- 
nities as other fairs in other towns fully possess, hold, and 
enjoy." 

The conditions specified in this charter serve to throw light 
on the state of our civil communities at that time and the 
origin of some practices which prevailed until a recent date in 
this town. The annual payment of the peck of potatoes and 
the reservation of the noblest trees in our forests was an ac- 
knowledgment of the dependence of these provinces upon the 
mother country. All grants of lands and privileges were from 
the crowm, and conferred by governments acting under its 
appointment and authority. 



Bancroft, in his History of the United States (iii. 29), speaking of the emigration of 
the Presbyterians from Ireland to America in the eigliteeuth century, says : " Every succes- 
sive period of discontent swelled the tide of emigrants. Just after the peace of Paris the 
' Heart of Oak' Protestants of Ulster, weary of strife with their landlords, came o\'er in 
great numbers ; and settlements on the Catawba, in South Carolina, dated from that epoch. 
At different times in the eighteenth century some few found homes in New England ; but 
they were most numerous south of New York, from New Jersey to Georgia. In Pennsyl- 
vania they peopled many counties, till in public life they balanced the influence of the 
Quakers. In Virgmia they went up the valley of the vShenandoah ; and they extended them- 
selves along the tributaries of the Catawba, in the uplands of North Carolina. Their train- 
mg in Ireland had kept the spirit of liberty and the readiness to resist unjust government as 
fresh in their hearts as though they had just been listening to the preaching of Knox or 
musing over the political creed of the Westminster Assembly. They brought to America 
no loyal love for England ; and their experience and their religion bade them meet oppres- 
sion with resistance." 

Before this, in the time of Cromwell, several thousand Irish men and women had been 
shipped to the British colonies in North America, many of them — 550 in 1653 — coming to 
New England, practically as slaves. We read that in the years 1771-72 the number of emi- 
grants to America from Ireland alone amounted to 17,350. Almost all of them emigrated at 
their own charge. A great majority of them were persons employed in the linen manufacture 
or farmers possessed of some property, which they converted into money, and carried with 
them. Within the first fortnight of August, 1773, there arrived at Philadelphia 3,500 emi- 
grants from Ireland. Many Irish Catholics came to Maryland; but Pennsylvania was, per- 
haps, the most distinctively Irish colony. In 1727, says the Philadelphia Gazette, "in 
Newcastle Government there arrived last year 4,500 persons, chiefly from Ireland, and at Phila- 
delphia in one year 1,155 Irish, of whom none were servants." In the next year 5,600 Irish 
landed at Philadelphia; while in the next ten years the Irish furnished to the Carolinas and 
Georgia the majority of their immigrants. At this time and for a long time afterwards the 
Irish were nearly ten to one of all other immigrants in Pennsylvania. James Logan, who 
had accompanied William Penn to his new plantation, and who became one of the most con- 
sides'able men in the colony, was an Irish Friend from Lurgan. See his Memoir. 

The number of Irishmen in the armies of Washington was verj' large : Wayne, Sullivan, 
Montgomen,', and Stark were men of Irish blood; at least nine men of Irish birth or Irish 
descent put their names to the Declaration of Independence; and the great Irishman, 
Edmund Burke, was our most eloquent and constant friend in Parliament. See Bagenal's 
"The American Irish," especially the first three chapters, " Irish Colonists before the Revo- 
lution," " The War of the Revolution," and "Irish Emigration"; also McGee's " Historj' 
of the Irish Settlers in North America." 

The settlement of Londonderry, N.H., in 17 19, is the most interesting early New Eng- 
land settlement made by men from Ireland. These men were Scotch Presbyterians, sprung 
from a colony of Scots which had planted itself more than a century before in the province 
of Ulster in Ireland, and whose numbers had been increased from time to time by fresh arrivals 
from Scotland. The ancestors of the greater part of the Londonderry settlers made their 
way to Ireland in the latter half of the seventeenth century, during the relentless persecution 



20 

of the Covenanters in Scotland: and in Ireland the colony had been subjected to many suffer- 
ings, culminating in the horrors of the memorable siege of Londonderry. It was the desire 
of religious liberty which sent hither the men wiio established the famous New Hampshire 
settlenient. The account of the settlement given in the present leaflet is taken from Parker's 
" History of Londonderry, N.H.," published in 1S51, and is a splendid illustration of the 
valuable service which is being performed by the scholarly writers of town histories for the 
general historical student. In iS6q, the one hundred and fiftieth anniversary' of the settle- 
ment, a celebration was held at Londonderry : and the addresses given on that occasion by 
Hon. Charles H. Bell and others were published in a volume, compiled by Robert C Mack, 
which is of high historical value. It is understood that Mr. Mack, at the time of his death, 
was making important collections for a completer history of Londonderry. 

The Scotch Presbyterians who came to the various American colonies from Ireland had 
such distinct antecedents and traditions that the special Scotch-Irish history and literature 
are considerable. There is an important Scotch-Irish Society, and the Proceedings of its 
annual congresses from i8Sy on are important volumes. The paper by Professor Arthur L. 
Perrv, in vol. ii , on "The Scotch-Irish of New England," — which has also been published 
in completer form as a pamphlet, — touches the history to which the present leaflet relates. 
"The Scotch-Irish in America," by Samuel Sweet (ireen, is a comprehensive summary', first 
read before the American Antiquarian Society in 1895, and published in the society's Pro- 
ceedings, and republished in pamphlet form, with an interesting correspondence between 
the author and Mr. Thomas Hamilton Murray, upon the term " Scotch-Irish." 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 




<©Iti .^DUtJ) Hcaflet^ 



No. 94- 



The Discovery 

of the 
Hudson River. 



From " The Third Voyage of Master Henry Hudson, toward 
Nova Zembla, and at his Returns, his Passing from Farre 
Islands to New-found Land, and along to Fortie-foure 
Degrees and Ten Minutes, and thence to Cape Cod, and 
so TO Thirtie-three Degrees; and along the Coast to the 
Northward, to Fortie-two Degrees and an Halfe, and up 
THE River Neere to Fortie-three Degrees." Written by 
Robert Ji^et of Lime-house. 



'\\\^ first of September [1609], faire weather, the wind varia- 
ble betweene east and south ; we steered away north north- 
west. At noone we found our height to bee 39 degrees, 3 
minutes. Wee had soundings thirtie, twentie-seven, twentie- 
foure, and twentie-two fathomes, as wee went to the north- 
ward. At sixe of the clocke wee had one and twentie fath- 
omes. And all the third watch, till twelve of the clocke at 
mid-night, we had soundings one and twentie, two and twen- 
tie, eighteene, two and twentie, one and twentie, eighteene, 
and two and twentie fathoms, and went sixe leagues neere 
hand north north-west. 

The second, in the morning, close weather, the winde at 
south in the morning; from twelve untill two of the clocke we 
steered north north-west, and had sounding one and twentie 
fathoms ; and in running one glasse we had but sixteene 
fathoms, then seventeene, and so shoalder and shoalder untill 
it came to twelve fathoms. We saw a great fire, but could not 
see the land ; then we came to ten fathoms, whereupon we 
brought our tackes aboord, and stood to the eastward east 
south-east, foure glasses. Then the sunne arose, and wee 
steered away north againe, and saw the land from the west by 
north to the north-west by north, all like broken islands,* and 

* Sandy Hook. 



our soundings were eleven and ten fathoms. Then wee looft 
in for the shoare, and faire by the shoare we had seven 
fathoms. The course along the land we found to be north- 
east by north. From the land which we had first sight of, 
untill we came to a great lake of water, as wee could judge it 
to bee, being drowned land, which made it to rise like islands, 
which was in length ten leagues. The mouth of that land 
hath many shoalds, and the sea breaketh on them as it is cast 
out of the mouth of it. And from that lake or bay the land 
lyeth north by east, and wee had a great streame out of the 
bay; and from thence our sounding was ten fathoms two 
leagues from the land. At five of the clocke we anchored, 
being little winde, and rode in eight fathoms water ; the night 
was faire. This night I found the land to hall the compasse 8 
degrees. For to the northward off us we saw high hils. For 
the day before we found not above 2 degrees of variation. 
This is a very good land to fall with, and a pleasant land to 
see. 

The thirds the morning mystie, untill ten of the clocke ; then 
it cleered, and the wind came to the south south-east, so wee 
weighed and stood to the northward. The land * is very 
pleasant and high, and bold to fall withall. At three of the 
clock in the after-noone, wee came to three great rivers. t So 
we stood along to the northermost, thinking to have gone into 
it, but we found it to have a very shoald barre before it, 
for we had but ten foot water. Then we cast about to the 
southward, and found two fathoms, three fathoms, and three 
and a quarter, till we came to the souther side of them ; then 
we had five and sixe fathoms, and anchored. So wee sent in 
our boate to sound, and they found no lesse water then foure, 
five, sixe, and seven fathoms, and returned in an houre and a 
halfe. So wee weighed and went in, and rode in five fathoms, 
oze ground, and saw many salmons, and mullets, and rayes, 
very great. The height is 40 degrees, 30 minutes. 

The foi(?-f/i, in the morning, as soone as the day was light, 
wee saw that it was good riding farther up. So we sent our 
boate to sound, and found that it was a very good harbour, 
and foure and five fathomes, two cables length from the shoare. 
Then we weighed and went in with our ship. Then our boate 

* riie south coast of Stateii Island. 

t Mr. Brodhead's opinion is, that two of the three rivers are the Raritan and Narrows, 
the \.\\\rA /irolml'Iy Rockaway Inlet. 



3 

went on land* with our net to fish, and caught ten great 
mullets, of a foote and a halfe long a peece, and a ray as great 
as foure men could hale into the ship. So wee trimmed our 
boate and rode still all day. At night the wind blew hard at 
the north-west, and our anchor came home, and wee drove 
on shoare, but tooke no hurt, thanked bee God, for the ground 
is soft sand and oze. This day the people of the countrey 
came aboord of us, seeming very glad of our comming, and 
brought greene tobacco, and gave us of it for knives and 
beads. They goe in deere skins loose, well dressed. They 
have yellow copper. They desire cloathes, and are very civill. 
They have great store of maize, or Indian wheate, whereof 
they make good bread. The countrey is full of great and tall 
oake. 

The fifth, in the morning, as soone as the day was light, the 
wind ceased and the flood came. So we heaved off our ship 
againe into five fathoms water, and sent our boate to sound 
the bay, and we found that there was three fathoms hard by 
the souther shoare. Our men went on land t there, and saw 
great store of men, women, and children, who gave them ta- 
bacco at their comming on land. So they went up into the 
woods, and saw great store of very goodly oakes and some cur- 
rants. For one of them came aboord and brought some 
dryed, and gave me some, which were sweet and good. This 
day many of the people came aboard, some in mantles of 
feathers, and some in skinnes of divers sorts of good furres. 
Some women also came to us with hempe. They had red 
copper tabacco pipes, and other things of copper they did 
weare about their neckes. At night they went on land againe, 
so wee rode very quiet, but durst not trust them. 

The sixth, in the morning, was faire weather, and our master 
sent John Colman, with foure other men in our boate, over to 
the north-side to sound the other river, t being foure leagues 
from us. They found by the way shoald water, two fathoms ; 
but at the north of the river eighteen, and twentie fathoms, 
and very good riding for ships ; and a narrow river § to the 

* According to a generally received tradition, Coney Island. 

t According to some, in Monmouth County, New Jersey, or somewhere near Richmond, 
on Staten Island. But there is no evidence to show that the landing-place was not further 
east, on Long Island. 

t The Narrows? 

§ The hills between Staten Island and Bergen Neck. Moulton, History of New York, 
i. p. 211. 



westward, betweene two Hands. The lands, they told us, 
were as pleasant with grasse and flowers and goodly trees as 
ever they had seene, and very sweet smells came from them. 
So they went in two leagues and saw an open sea, and re- 
turned ; and as they came backe, they were set upon by two 
canoes, the one having twelve, the other fourteene men. The 
night came on, and it began to rayne, so that their match went 
out ; and they had one man slaine in the fight, which was an 
Englishman, named John Colman, with an arrow shot into his 
throat, and two more hurt. It grew so darke that they could 
not find the ship that night, but labored to and fro on their 
oares. They had so great a streame, that their grapnell would 
not hold them. 

The seventh, was faire, and by ten of the clocke they re- 
turned aboord the ship, and brought our dead man with them, 
whom we carried on land and buryed, and named the point 
after his name, Colmans Point.* Then we hoysed in our 
boate, and raised her side with waste boords for defence of 
our men. So we rode still all night, having good regard to our 
watch. 

The eight, was very faire weather, wee rode still very quietly. 
The people came aboord us, and brought tabacco and Indian 
wheat to exchange for knives and beades, and offered us no 
violence. So we fitting up our boate did marke them, to see if 
they would make any shew of the death of our man ; which 
they did not. 

The ;///////, faire v/eather. In the morning, two great canoes 
came aboord full of men- the one with their bowes and ar- 
rowes, and the other in shew of buying of knives to betray us ; 
but we perceived their intent. Wee tooke two of them to have 
kept them, and put red coates on them, and would not suffer 
the other to come neere us. So they went on land, and two 
other came aboord in a canoe ; we tooke the one and let the 
other goe ; but hee which wee had taken, got up and leapt 
over-boord. Then we weighed and went off into the channell 
of the river, and anchored there all night. 

The tenth, faire weather, we rode still till twelve of the 

* According to the Dutch maps and charts of the seventeenth centurj', Colman's Point 
(also called Godyn's Point and Sand or Sant Point), is identical with, or forms part of, Sandy 
Hook. No great amount of criticism is, however, displayed in those delineations; and they 
cannot be considered as sufficient proofs that Colman really was buried on Sandy Hook. We 
have, on the contrary, every reason to believe that Hudson was, on the 7th of September, 
farther north than tfie above suppositions would lead us to assume. Hudson's Cobnan's 
Point and the Cohuan's Point or Punt of the early maps are therefore probably not 
identical. — A sher. 



'5 

clocke. Then we weighed and went over, and found it shoald 
all the middle of the river, for wee could finde but two fathoms 
and a halfe and three fathomes for the space of a league ; then 
wee came to three fathomes and foure fathomes, and so to 
seven fathomes, and anchored, and rode all night in soft ozie 
ground. The banke is sand.* 

The elei'enth was faire and very hot weather. At one of the 
clocke in the after-noone wee weighed and went into the river^ 
the wind at south south-west, little winde. Our soundings 
were seven, sixe, five, sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten, twelve, thir- 
teene, and fourteene fathomes. Then it shoalded againe, and 
came to five fathomes. Then wee anchored, and saw that it 
was a very good harbour for all windes, and rode all night. 
The people of the country came aboord of us, making shew 
of love, and gave us tabacco and Indian wheat,! and departed 
for that night ; but we durst not trust them. J 

The twelfth^ very faire and hot. In the after-noone, at two 
of the clocke, wee weighed, the winde being variable betweene 
the north and the north-west. So we turned into the river two 
leagues and anchored. This morning, at our first rode in the 
river, there came eight and twentie canoes full of men, women 
and children to betray us : but we saw their intent, and suf- 
fered none of them to come aboord of us. At twelve of the 
clocke they departed. They brought with them oysters and 
beanes, whereof wee bought some. They have great tabacco 
pipes of yellow copper, and pots of earth to dresse their meate 
in. It floweth south-east by south within. 

The t/ii?-tee?ith, faire weather, the wind northerly. At seven 
of the clocke in the morning, as the floud came we weighed, 
and turned foure miles into the river. The tide being done 
wee anchored. Then there came foure canoes aboord : but we 
suffered none of them to come into our ship. They brought 
great store of very good oysters aboord, which we bought for 
trifies.§ In the night I set the variation of the compasse, and 

* East Sandbank, in the Narrows. Moulton, i. p. 211. 

t According to Van der Donck, maize had been first brought to these regions by the 
Spaniards. 

t So says Juet. Hudson himself, in the few scraps of his original log-book preserved by 
De Laet, and also in the communications which Van Meteren seems to have received from 
him, always speaks most kindly of the North American Indians. He and his crew entirely 
disagreed with regard to the treatment due to the poor natives; and his kindness was re- 
warded by friendship, their sullen mistrust by acts of hostility. The poor Indian has but too 
often been thus both ill-treated and ill-judged by prejudiced Europeans. — Ash«r. 

§ According to the opinion of Moulton, History of New York, i. p. 238, near the point 
where Manhattansville now stands. 



6 

found it to be 13 degrees. In the after-noone we weighed, 
and turned in with the floud, two leagues and a halfe further, 
and anchored all night ; and had five fathoms soft ozie 
ground ; and had an high point of land, which shewed out to 
us, bearing north by east five leagues off us. 

T\i^ fourteenth^ in the morning, being very faire weather, the 
wind south-east, we sayled up the river twelve leagues, and 
had five fathoms, and five fathoms and a quarter lesse ; and 
came to a streight betweene two points,* and had eight, nine, 
and ten fathoms ; and it trended north-east by north, one 
league : and wee had twelve, thirteene, and fourteene fath- 
omes. The river is a mile broad: there is very high land on 
both sides.! Then we went up north-west, a league and an 
halfe deepe water. Then north-east by north, five miles ; then 
north-west by north, two leagues, and anchored. The land 
grew very high and mountainous. The river is full of fish. 

The fifteenth, in the morning, was misty, untill the sunne 
arose : then it cleered. So wee weighed with the wind at 
south, and ran up into the river twentie leagues, passing by 
high mountaines.i" Wee had a very good depth, as sixe, seven, 
eight, nine, ten, twelve, and thirteene fathomes, and great store 
of salmons in the river. This morning our two savages got 
out of a port and swam away. After wee were under sayle, 
they called to us in scorne. At night we came to other moun- 
taines, which lie from the rivers side. There wee found very 
loving people, and very old men : where wee w^ere well used. 
Our boat went to fish, and caught great store of very good fish. 

The sixteenth^ faire and very hot weather. In the morning 
our boat went againe to fishing, but could catch but few, by 
reason their canoes had beene there all night. This morning 
the people came aboord, and brought us eares of Indian corne, 
and pompions, and tabacco : which wee bought for trifies. 
-Wee rode still all day, and filled fresh water; at night wee 
weighed and went two leagues higher, and had shoald water : 
so wee anchored till day.§ 

* Between Stony and Verplanck points, according to Moulton's computation (History 
of New York, i. p. 238). 

t Near Peakskill. Hudson seems to have sailed on the 14th to the neighborhood of 
West Point. 

+ Hudson now saw the highest of the mountains that border the river, the range of the 
Catskill Mountains. 

§ According to JMouhon, History of New York, i. p. 244, near the shoal or marsh in the 
river, between Athens, and directly' opposite that and the city that now bears the name of 
Hudson; according to Brodhead, between Schadak and Castleton. 



The seventeenth^ faire sun-shining weather, and very hot. In 
the morning, as soone as the sun was up, we set sayle, and ran 
up sixe leagues higher, and found shoalds in the middle of the 
channell, and small ilands, but seven fathoms water on both 
sides. Toward night we borrowed so neere the shoare, that 
we grounded : so we layed out our small anchor, and heaved 
off againe. Then we borrowed on the banke in the channell, 
and came aground againe ; while the floud ran we heaved off 
againe, and anchored all night.* 

The eighteenth^ in the morning, was faire weather, and we 
rode still. In the after-noone our masters mate went on land 
with an old savage, a governor of the countrey ; who carried 
him to his house, and made him good cheere. The nineteenth^ 
was faire and hot weather : at the floud, being neere eleven of 
the clocke, wee weighed, and ran higher up two leagues above 
the shoalds, and had no lesse water then five fathoms ; wee 
anchored, and rode in eight fathomes. The people of the 
countrie came flocking aboord, and brought us grapes and 
pompions, which wee bought for trifles. And many brought 
us bevers skinnes and otters skinnes, which wee bought for 
beades, knives, and hatchets. So we rode there all night.t 

The twentieth^ in the morning, was faire weather. Our mas- 
ters mate with foure men more went up with our boat to sound 
the river, and found two leagues above us but two fathomes 
water, and the channell very narrow; and above that place, 
seven or eight fathomes. Toward night they returned: and 
we rode still all night. The one and twentieth was faire 
weather, and the wind all southerly : we determined yet once 
more to go farther up into the river, to trie what depth and 
breadth it did beare ; but much people resorted aboord, so wee 
went not this day. Our carpenter went on land, and made a 
fore-yard. And our master and his mate determined to trie 
some of the chiefe men of the countrey, whether they had any 
treacherie in them. So they tooke them downe into the cab- 
bin, and gave them so much wine and aqua vitce, that they 
were all merrie : and one of them had his wife with them, 
which sate so modestly, as any of our countrey women would 
doe in a strange place. In the ende one of them was drunke, 
which had beene aboord of our ship all the time that we had 

* Undoubtedly at the distance of a few miles from the spot where Albany now stands. 

t The Half Moon reached either the spot where Albany now stands, or its immediate 
neighborhood. 



8 

beene there : and that was strange to them ; for they could not 
tell how to take it. The canoes and folke went all on shoare : 
but some of them came againe, and brought stropes of beades : 
some had sixe, seven, eight, nine, ten ; and gave him. So he 
slept all night quietly. 

The two and twentieth was faire weather : in the morning 
our masters mate and foure more of the companie went up with 
our boat to sound the river higher up. The people of the 
countrey came not aboord till noone : but when they came, 
and saw the savages well, they were glad. So at three of the 
clocke in the afternoone they came aboord, and brought ta- 
bacco, and more beades, and gave them to our master, and 
made an oration, and shewed him all the countrey round 
about. Then they sent one of their companie on land, who 
presently returned, and brought a great platter full of venison 
dressed by themselves ; and they caused him to eate with 
them : then they made him reverence and departed, all save 
the old man that lay aboord. This night, at ten of the clocke, 
our boat returned in a showre of raine from sounding of the 
river; and found it to bee at an end for shipping to goe in. 
For they had beene up eight or nine leagues, and found but 
seven foot water, and unconstant soundings.* 

The three and twentieth, faire weather. At twelve of the 
clocke wee weighed, and went downe two leagues to a shoald 
that had two channels, one on the one side, and another on the 
other, and had little wind, whereby the tyde layed us upon it. 
So there wee sate on ground the space of an houre till the 
floud came. Then wee had a little gale of wind at the west. 
So wee got our ship into deepe water, and rode all night very 
well. 

They9;///v and twentieth was faire weather: the winde at the 
north-west, wee weighed, and went downe the river seven or 
eight leagues ; and at halfe ebbe wee came on ground on a 
banke of oze in the middle of the river, and sate there till the 
fioud. Then wee went on land, and gathered good store of 
chest-nuts. t At ten of the clocke wee came off into deepe 
water, and anchored. 

The fve and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at 
south a stiff e gale. We rode still, and went on land X to walke 

*Mr. Brodhead thinks that Hudson's boat reached the place where the town of Water- 
ford now stands. Brodhead, History of New York, i. p. 32. 

t According to the computation of Mouhon (i. p. 267), near the spot where the town of 
Hudson now stands. 

% At or near Catskill Landing. 



on the west side of the river, and found good ground for corne 
and other garden herbs, with great store of goodly oakes, and 
walnut-trees, and chest-nut trees, ewe trees, and trees of sweet 
wood in great abundance, and great store of slate for houses, 
and other good stones. 

The sixe and twentieth was faire weather, and the wind at 
south a stiffe gale ; wee rode still. In the morning our carpen- 
ter went on land, with our masters mate and foure more of our 
companie, to cut wood. This morning, two canoes came up 
the river from the place where we first found loving people, 
and in one of them was the old man that had lyen aboord of 
us at the other place. He brought another old man with him, 
which brought more stropes of beades and gave them to our 
master, and shewed him all the countrey there about as though 
it were at his command. So he made the two old men dine 
with him, and the old mans wife : for they brought two old 
women, and two young maidens of the age of sixteene or 
seventeene yeares with them, who behaved themselves very 
modestly. Our master gave one of the old men a knife, and 
they gave him and us tabacco. And at one of the clocke they 
departed downe the river, making signes that wee should come 
downe to them ; for wee were within two leagues of the place 
where they dwelt. 

The seven and tiuentieth^ in the morning, was faire weather, 
but much wind at the north ; we weighed and set our fore top- 
sayle, and our ship would not flat, but ran on the ozie banke 
at half ebbe. Wee layed out anchor to heave her off, but 
could not. So wee sate from halfe ebbe to halfe floud : then 
wee set our fore-sayle and mayne top-sail, and got downe sixe 
leagues. The old man came aboord, and would have had us 
anchor, and goe on land to eate with him : but the wind being 
faire, we would not yeeld to his request ; so hee left us, being 
very sorrowfull for our departure. At five of the clocke in the 
afternoone, the wind came to the south south-west. So wee 
made a boord or two, and anchored * in fourteene fathomes 
water. Then our boat went on shoare to fish right against the 
ship. Our masters mate and boatswaine, and three more of 
the companie, went on land to fish, but could not finde a good 
place. They tooke foure or five and twentie mullets, breames, 
bases, and barbils ; and returned in an houre. We rode still all 
night. 

* In the vicinity of Red Hook (Moulton, 267), fourteen miles from Catskill Landing. 



10 

The eight ami twentieth^ being faire weather, as soone as the 
day was light, wee weighed at halfe ebbe, and turned downe 
two leagues belowe water ; for the streame doth runne the last 
quarter ebbe : then we anchored till high water.* At three of 
theclocke in the after-noone we weighed, and turned downe 
three leagues, untill it was darke : then wee anchored. 

The tiine a?id twentieth was drie close weather ; the wind at 
south, and south and by west ; we weighed early in the morn- 
ing, and turned downe three leagues by a lowe water, and an- 
chored at the lower " end of the long reach ; for it is sixe 
leagues long. Then there came certaine Indians in a canoe to 
us, but would not come aboord. After dinner there came the 
canoe with other men, whereoff three came aboord us. They 
brought Indian wheat, which we bought for trifles. At three 
of the clocke in the after-noone wee weighed, as soone as the 
ebbe came, and turned downe to the edge of the mountaines, 
or the northermost of the mountaines, and anchored : because 
the high land hath many points, and a narrow channell, and 
hath manie eddie winds. t So we rode quietly all night in 
seven fathoms water. 

The thirtieth was faire weather, and the wind at south-east, 
a stiffe gale betweene the mountaynes. We rode still the 
afternoone. The people of the countrey came aboord us and 
brought some small skinnes with them, which we bought for 
knives and trifles. This is a very pleasant place to build a 
towne on. The road is very neere, and very good for all 
windes, save an east north-east wind. The mountaynes look 
as if some metall or minerall were in them. For the trees that 
grow on them were all blasted, and some of them barren, with 
few or no trees on them. The people brought a stone aboord 
like to an emery (a stone used by glasiers to cut glasse), it 
would cut iron or Steele : yet being bruised small, and water 
put to it, it made a color like blacke lead glistering : it is also 
good for painters colours. At three of the clocke they de- 
parted, and we rode still all night. 

The first of October^ faire weather, the wind variable be- 
tweene the west and the north. In the morning we weighed 
at seven of the clocke with the ebbe, and got downe below the 
mountaynes, which was seven leagues. Then it fell calme and 
the floud was come, and wee anchored at twelve of the clocke. 

* Probably near the Esopvis Island, twelve miles from Red Hook. 
t Below Poughkeepsie (Moulton). 



II 

The people of the mountaynes came aboord us, wondermg at 
our ship and weapons. We bought some small skinnes of 
them for trifles. This afternoone, one canoe kept hanging 
under our sterne with one man in it, which we could not keepe 
from thence, who got up by our rudder to the cabin window^ 
and stole out my pillow, and two shirts, and two bandeleeres. 
Our masters mate shot at him, and strooke him on the brest, 
and killed him. Whereupon all the rest fled away, some in 
their canoes, and so leapt out of them into the water. We 
manned our boat, and got our things againe. Then one of 
them that svvamme got hold of our boat, thinking to overthrow 
it. But our cooke tooke a sword, and cut off one of his hands^ 
and he was drowned. By this time the ebbe was come, and 
we weighed and got downe two leagues : by that time it was 
darke. So we anchored in foure fathomes water, and rode 
well. 

The second, faire weather. At break of day wee weighed, 
the winde being at north-west, and got downe seven leagues ; 
then the floud was come strong, so we anchored. Then came 
one of the savages that swamme away from us at our going up 
the river with many other, thinking to betray us. But wee 
perceived their intent, and suffered none of them to enter our 
ship. Whereupon two canoes full of men, with their bowes 
and arrowes shot at us after our sterne : in recompence 
whereof we discharged sixe muskets, and killed two or three 
of them. Then above an hundred of them came to a point of 
land to shoot at us. There I shot a falcon at them, and killed 
two of them : whereupon the rest fled into the woods. Yet 
they manned off another canoe with nme or ten men, which 
came to meet us. So I shot at it also a falcon, and shot it 
through, and killed one of them. Then our men with their 
muskets killed three or foure more of them.* So they went 
their way ; within a while after wee got downe two leagues 
beyond that place, and anchored in a bay, cleere from all dan- 
ger of them on the other side of the river, where we saw a very 
good piece of ground : and hard by it there was a cliffe, that 
looked of the colour of a white greene, as though it were either 
copper or silver myne : and I thinke it to be one of them, by 
the trees that grow upon it. For they be all burned, and the 
other places are greene as grasse ; it is on that side of the 

* Moulton (i. 271) thinks that this scene took place at the upper end of the island of Man- 
hattan (on which New York now stands), near Fort Washington and Fort Lee, and that the 
next place mentioned was opposite Manhattan Island. 



12 

river that is called Manna-hata,* There we saw no people to 
trouble us : and rode quietly all night ; but had much wind and 
raine. 

The third, was very stormie ; the wind at east north-east. 
In the morning, in a gust of wind and raine, our anchor came 
home, and we drove on ground, but it was ozie. Then as we 
were about to have out an anchor, the wind came to the north 
north-west, and drove us off againe. Then we shot an anchor, 
and let it fall in foure fathomes water, and weighed the other. 
Wee had much wind and raine, with thicke weather; so we 
roade still all night. 

The fourth, was faire weather, and the wind at north north- 
west ; wee weighed and came out of the river, into which we 
had runne so farre. Within a while after, wee came out also of 
the great 7nouth of the g?'eat riTcr, that runneth up to the north- 
west, borrowing upon the norther side of the same, thinking to 
have deepe water ; for wee had sounded a great way with our 
boat at our first going in, and found seven, six, and five 
fathomes. So we came out that way, but we were deceived, 
for we had but eight foot and an halfe water: and so three, 
five, three, and two fathomes and an halfe. And then three, 
foure, five, sixe, seven, eight, nine and ten fathomes. And by 
twelve of the clocke we were cleere of all the inlet. Then we 
took in our boat, and set our mayne-sayle, and sprit-sayle, and 
our top-sayles, and steered away east south-east, and south- 
east by east off into the mayne sea : and the land on the 
souther side of the bay or inlet did beare at noone west and by 
south foure leagues from us. 

The ffth was faire weather, and the wind variable betweene 
the north and the east. Wee held on our course south-east by 
east. At noone I observed and found our height to bee 39 
degrees, 30 minutes. Our compasse varied sixe degrees to the 
west. 

We continued our course toward England, without seeing 
any land by the way, all the rest of this moneth of October : 
and on the sevetith day of Noi'eviber, sti/o novo, being Saturday, 
by the grace of God we safely arrived in the range of Dart- 
mouth, in Devonshire, in the yeere 1609. 

* Hudson's words, "That side of the river which is called Manua-hatta," cannot possibly 
apply to anything but Manhattan Island itself. All the early chroniclers, as well as the early 
maps and views, agree in giving to that island the Indian name which it still bears; whilst 
the opposite shore, though, perhaps, also inhabited by the Manhattan tribe, is never called 
Manhattan. — Asher. 



Hudson's Third Voyage (1609). From Van Meteren's 

" HiSTORIE DER NeDERLANDEN." HaGUE, 1614. 

We have observed in our last book that the Directors of the 
Dutch East India Company sent out in March last year, on 
purpose to seek a passage to China by north-east or north- 
\vest, an experienced English pilot, named Henry Hudson, in a 
vlie boat, having a crew of eighteen or twenty hands, partly 
English, partly Dutch. 

This Henry Hudson left the Texel on the 6th of April,* 
1609, and, having doubled the Cape of Norway f the 5th of 
May, directed his course along the northern coasts towards 
Nova Zembla ; but he there found the sea as full of ice as he 
had found it in the preceding year, so that he lost the hope of 
effecting anything during the season. This circumstance, and 
the cold, which some of his men, who had been in the East 
Indies, could not bear, caused quarrels among the crew, they 
being partly English, partly Dutch, upon which the captain, 
Henry Hudson, laid before them two propositions. The first 
of these was to go to the coast of America, to the latitude of 
40°. This idea had been suggested to him by some letters 
and maps which his friend, Captain Smith, had sent him from 
Virginia, and by which he informed him that there was a sea 
leading into the western ocean, by the north of the southern 
English colony. Had this information been true (experience 
goes as yet to the contrary), it would have been of great advan- 
tage, as indicating a short way to India. The other proposi- 
tion was to direct their search to Davis's Straits. This 
meeting with general approval, they sailed on the 14th of 
May,1: and arrived with a good wind at the Faroe Islands, 
where they stopped but twenty-four hours, to supply them- 
selves with fresh water. After leaving these islands, they 
sailed on, till on the i8th of July they reached the coast of 
Nova PYancia, under 44°, where they were obliged to land for 
the purpose of getting a new foremast, having lost theirs. 
They found this a good place for cod-fishing, as also for the 
traffic in skins and furs, which were to be got there at a very 

*Tlie difference between the two styles was, in 1609, ten days. Thus the 27th of IMarcii 
and the 6th of April are identical. 

t The North Cape. 

+ There is no entry in Juet's account between the 5th and the 19th of May. For the 
important events which passed in the interval, Van Meteren is the only authority. — Asher. 



low price. But the crew behaved badly towards the people of 
the country, taking their property by force, out of which there 
arose quarrels among them. The English, fearing that they 
would be outnumbered and worsted, were, therefore, afraid to 
make any further attempt. They left that place on the 26th of 
July, and kept out at sea till the 3d of August, when they were 
again near the coast, in 42° of latitude. Thence they sailed 
on, till on the 12th of August they reached the shore, under 
37° 45'. Thence they sailed along the shore until we (sic) 
reached 40° 45', where they found a good entrance, between 
two headlands, and thus entered on the 12th of September, 
into as fine a river as can be found, with good anchoring 
ground on both sides. 

Their ship sailed up the river as far as 42° 40'. Then 
their boat went higher up. Along the river they found sen- 
sible and warlike people ; whilst in the highest part the people 
were more friendly, and had an abundance of provisions, skins, 
and furs, of martens and foxes, and many other commodities, 
as birds and fruit, even white and red grapes. These Ind- 
ians traded most amicably with the people from the ship. And 
of all the above-mentioned commodities they brought some 
home. When they had thus been about fifty leagues up the 
river, they returned on the 4th of October, and went again to 
sea. More could have been done if the crew had been willing, 
and if the want of some necessary provisions had not pre- 
vented it. While at sea, they held counsel together, but were 
of different opinions. The mate, a Dutchman, advised to 
winter in Newfoundland, and to search the north-western pas- 
sage of Davis throughout. This was opposed by Hudson. 
He was afraid of his mutinous crew, who had sometimes sav- 
agely threatened him ; and he feared that during the cold 
season they would entirely consume their provisions, and 
would then be obliged to return. Many of the crew, also, 
were ill and sickly. Nobody, however, spoke of returning 
home to Holland, which circumstance made the captain still 
more suspicious. He proposed, therefore, to sail to Ireland, 
and winter there, which they all agreed to. At last they 
arrived at Dartmouth, in England, the 7th of November, 
whence they informed their employers, the Directors of the 
f^ast India Company, of their voyage. They proposed to them 
to go out again for a search in the north-west, and that, be- 
sides the pay, fifteen hundred tiorms should be laid out for an 



15 

additional supply of provisions. Hudson also wanted six or 
seven of his crew exchanged for others, and their number 
raised to twenty. He was then going to leave Dartmouth on 
the I St of March, so as to be in the north-west towards the end 
of that month, and there to spend the whole of April and the 
first half of May in catching whales and other fish in the neigh- 
bourhood of Panar Island, thence to sail to the north-west 
and there to pass the time till the middle of September, and 
then to return to Holland along the north-eastern coast ol 
Scotland. Thus this voyage passed off. 

A long time elapsed, through contrary winds, before the 
Company could be informed of the arrival of the ship in Eng- 
land. Then they ordered the ship and crew to return as soor 
as possible. But, when they were going to do so, Henr) 
Hudson and the other Englishmen of the ship were com 
manded by government there not to leave England, but tc 
serve their own country. Many persons thought it rather un 
fair that these sailors should thus be prevented from layinc 
their accounts and reports before their employers, chiefly as 
the enterprise in which they had been engaged was such as tc 
benefit navigation in general. These latter events took place 
in January, 1610; and it was then thought probable that the 
English themselves would send ships to Virginia, to explore 
the river found by Hudson. 



Extracts relating to Hudson's Third Voyage (1609), from Joht 
DE Laet's "Nieuwe Werelt," Amsterdam, 1625, 1630. 



As to the first discovery, the Directors of the privileged Eas 
India Company, in 1609, dispatched the yacht, "Half Moon,' 
under the command of Henry Hudson, captain and super 
cargo, to seek a passage to China by the north-east. But h< 
changed his course and stood over towards New France ; and 
having passed the banks of Newfoundland in latitude 43^ 23V 
he made the land in latitude 44° i5',t with a west-north-wes 
and north-west course, and went on shore at a place when 
there were many of the natives with whom, as he understood 

♦Near Cape Sable, Neva Scotia. 
On the coast of Maine, a few miles to the north of Penobscot Bay. 



i6 

the French came every year to trade. Saihng hence, he bent 
his course to the south, until running south-south-west, and 
south-west by south, he again made land in latitude 41° 43', 
which he supposed to be an island, and gave it the name of 
New Holland,* but afterwards discovered that it was Cape 
Cod, and that, according to his observation, it lay two hundred 
and twenty-five miles to the west of its place on all the charts. 
Pursuing his course to the south, he again saw land in latitude 
37° 15'. The coast was low, running north and south ; and op- 
posite to it lay a bank or shoal, within which there was a depth 
of eight, nine, ten, eleven, seven, and six and a half fathoms, 
with a sandy bottom. Hudson called this place Dry Cape.t 

Changing his course to the northward, he again discovered 
land in latitude 38^ 9', where there was a white sandy shore, 
and within appeared a thick grove of trees full of green foliage. 
The direction of the coast was north-north-east and south- 
south-west for about twenty-four miles, then north and south 
for twenty-one miles, and afterwards south-east and north-west 
for fifteen miles. They continued to run along the coast to 
the north, until they reached a point from which the land 
stretches to the west and north-west where several rivers dis- 
charge into an open bay. Land was seen to the east-north- 
east, which Hudson at first took to be an island ; but it proved 
to be the main land, and the second point of the bay, in lati- 
tude 38° 54'. Standing in upon a course north-west by east, 
they soon found themselves embayed, and, encountering many 
breakers, stood out again to the south-south-east. Hudson 
suspected that a large river discharged into the bay, from the 
strength of the' current that set out and caused the accumula- 
tion of sands and shoals. t 

Continuing their course along the shore to the north, they 
observed a white sandy beach and drowned land within, be- 
yond which there appeared a grove of wood, the coast running 
north-east by east and south-west by south. Afterwards the 
direction of the coast changed to north by east, and was higher 

* It is a question of some moment whether Hudson really called Cape Cod New Holland. 
His doing so would imply an intention on his side to take possession of the country in the 
name of the Dutch. De Laet is the only one of our authorities who saw Hudson's own jour- 
nal of tiie third voyage ; and, if we could fully believe his statements, ever>' doubt would be 
removed. But the discrepancies between him, Juet, and Purchas, and the mistakes com- 
mitted by each of them with regard to Cape Cod, render a satisfactory conclusion impossible. 
A shfr. 

t Probably Cape Charles, at the mouth of Chesapeake Bay, 37^ 10'. 

% The bay and river are the Delaware Bay and River. 



17 

land than they had yet seen. They at length reached a lofty 
promontory or headland, behind which was situated a bay, 
which they entered and run up into a roadstead near a low 
sandy point, in latitude 40° 18'. There they were visited by two 
savages clothed in elk-skins, who showed them every sign of 
friendship. On the land they found an abundance of blue 
plums and magnificent oaks, of a height and thickness that one 
seldom beholds ; together with poplars, linden-trees, and various 
other kinds of wood useful in ship-building. Sailing hence in 
a north-easterly direction, they ascended a river to nearly 43° 
north latitude,, where it became so narrow and of so little 
depth that they found it necessary to return. 

From all that they could learn, there had never been any 
ships or Christians in that quarter before ; and they were the 
first to discover the river and ascend it so far. Henry Hudson 
returned to Amsterdam with his report ; and in the following 
year, 16 10, some merchants again sent a ship thither, — that is 
to say, to the second river discovered, which was called Man- 
hattes from the savage nation that dwelt at its mouth. And 
subsequently their High Mightinesses, the States General, 
granted to these merchants the exclusive privilege of navigat- 
ing this river and trading there. Whereupon, in the year 161 5, 
a redoubt or fort was erected on the river, and occupied by a 
small garrison, of which we shall hereafter speak. Our coun- 
trymen have continued to make voyages thither from year to 
year, for the purpose of trafficking with the natives ; and on 
this account the country has very justly received the name of 
New Netherlands. 



Henry Hudson, who first discovered this river, and all that 
have since visited it, express their admiration of the noble 
trees growing upon its banks ; and Hudson has himself de- 
scribed the manners and appearance of the people that he 
found dwelling within this bay, in the following terms : — 

"When I came on shore, the swarthy natives all stood 
around and sung in their fashion ; their clothing consisted of 
the skins of foxes and other animals, which they dress and 
make the skins into garments of various sorts. Their food is 
Turkish wheat (maize or Indian corn), which they cook by 
baking, and it is excellent eating. They all came on boards 
one after another, in their canoes, which are made of a single 



i8 

hollowed tree ; their weapons are bows and arrows, pointed 
with sharp stones, which they fasten with hard resin. Ther 
had no houses, but slept under the blue heavens, sometimes 
on mats of bulrushes interwoven, and sometimes on the leaves 
of trees. They always carry with them all their goods, such 
as their food and green tobacco, which is strong and good for 
use. They appear to be a friendly people, but have a great 
propensity to steal, and are exceedingly adroit in carrying 
away whatever they take a fancy to." 

In latitude 40° 48', w^here the savages brought very fine 
oysters to the ship, Hudson describes the country in the fol- 
lowing manner : " It is as pleasant a land as one need tread 
upon ; very abundant in all kinds of timber suitable for ship- 
building, and for making large casks or vats. The people had 
copper tobacco pipes, from which I inferred that copper might 
naturally exist there ; and iron likewise according to the testi- 
mony of the natives, who. however, do not understand prepar- 
ing it for use." 

Hudson al^o states that they caught in the river all kinds of 
fresh-water fish with seines, and young salmon and sturgeon. 
In latitude 42° 18' he landed. "I sailed to the shore," he 
says, " in one of their canoes, with an old man, who was the 
chief of a tribe, consisting of forty men and seventeen women ; 
these I saw there in a house well constructed of oak bark, and 
circular in shape, so that it had the appearance of being well 
built, with an arched roof. It contained a great quantity of 
maize or Indian corn, and beans of the last year's growth, and 
there lay near the house for the purpose of drying enough to 
load three ships, besides what was growing in the fields. On 
our coming into the house, two mats were spread out to sit 
upon, and immediately some food was served in well made red 
wooden bowls ; two men were also despatched at once with 
bows and arrows in quest of game, who soon after brought in 
a pair of pigeons which they had shot. They likewise killed a 
fat dog, and skinned it in great haste, with shells which they 
had got out of the water. They supposed that I would remain 
with them for the night, but I returned after a short time on 
board the ship. The land is the finest for cultivation that I 
ever in my life set foot upon, and it also abounds in trees of 
every description. The natives are a very good people ; for, 
when they saw that I would not remain, they supposed that I 
was afraid of their bows, and, taking the arrows, they broke 
them in pieces, and threw them into the fire," etc. 



19 

He found there also vines and grapes, pumpkins, and other 
fruits, from all of which there is sufficient reason to conclude 
that it is a pleasant and fruitful country, and that the natives 
are well disposed, if they are only well treated ; although they 
are very changeable, and of the same general character as all 
the savages in the north. 



Henry Hudson, who, in the sen-ice of the Dutch East India Company, discovered the 
Hudson River in 1609, was an Englishman, a citizen of London, born in the latter part of the 
sixteenth century. He belonged to a family of adventurers and explorers An earlier Henry 
Hudson, perhaps his grandfather, a London alderman, was one of the founders, with Sebas- 
tian Cabot, of tlie Muscovy or Russia Company, established to promote the discovery of a 
northerly passage to China. Christopher Hudson was an agent of this company in Russia as 
early as 1560, and took a deep interest in Sir Humphrey Gilbert's voyage to America in 1583. 
Captain I'homas Hudson, who had himself commanded an expedition to Persia, ad\ased Cap- 
tain John Davis concerning his search for a north-west passage to China, which resulted in 
the discovery of Davis's Strait. He also exercised a powerful influence upon Henry Hudson. 
We know nothing of Henry Hudson's early life. He comes before us from April 19, 1607, 
to June 21, 161 1, which time was almost entirely occupied in his four unsuccessful voj'ages to 
discover a north-west passage to China. The Hudson River, Hudson Strait, and Hudson 
Bay bear his name and preserve his memory; and the last is his tomb. He was cut adrift 
upon its waters by a mutinous crew one midsummer day, 161 1, in a small boat wath half a 
dozen men, and miserably perished. 

In point of fact, as has been often pointed out, neither Hudson River nor strait nor bay 
was really first discovered by Hudson. He pushed his explorations further than his prede- 
cessors, and left a more distinct record; but the ri\-er, the strait, and the bay were all marked 
in maps before the time of Hudson. What he did do by his four \'oyages was to show that 
the passage to China was not the simple thing it had been represented to be, that there was no 
strait through the continent of North America in a low latitude, and that, if there was one in a 
high latitude, it could scarcely be of any practical value. 

Hudson's first and second voyages in the arctic regions were in the service of the Mus- 
covy Company, and his fourth \oyage also was under the auspices of English adventurers. 
The third and most tamous voyage, with which we are especially concerned, was in the ser- 
vice of the Dutch East India Company, which had recently been established and was stimu- 
lated by English ri\alry. The fame of Hudson's voyages had spread, and a flattering in\'ita- 
tion came to him from the King of France just after he had closed with the Dutch Company. 
A copy of Hudson's contract with the company exists, showing that he signed his name Henry 
Hudson, and that in the body of the instrument he was also named Henry (not Hendrik), 
and that an interpreter was required, as he did not understand Dutch. 

Hudson sailed from Amsterdam in the " Half Moon'' about the first of April, 1609, "to 
search for a passage to the north around by the north side of Nova Zembla." He had im- 
portant advice, maps, and books from various friends, and certain letters "which his fnend, 
Captain John Smith, had sent him from Virginia, and by which he informed him that there 
was a sea reaching into the western ocean by the north of the English colony." He had a 
motley crew of sixteen or eighteen English and Dutch sailors. Robert Juet, who had been 
his mate in his previous voyage, and who on his last voyage was a leader in the mutiny which 
cost Hudson his life, now acted as his clerk, and kept the journal of the voyage from which the 
account of the sail up the Hudson is taken for the present leaflet. Hudson's own journal, 
which De Laet had before him when he wrote the " Nieuwe Werelt,"' from which an extract 
is given in this leaflet, has entirely disappeared. The difficulties and sufferings in the north 
were such that the men refused to go on, and Hudson turned toward America. He skirted 
the coast from Nova Scotia to Chesapeake Bay, then, resisting his temptation to \'isit his 
friend John Smith, turned northward, entered Delaware Bay, followed the New Jersey 
coast to Sandy Hook, found the mouth of tlie great river wliich now bears his name, ani 
spent a month e.xploring it, as described by Juet in the leaflet, the extract gi\-en being about 
one-third of the journal of the whole voyage. Hudson ascended the river to a point just 
above the site of the present city of Albany. He became satisfied that this course did not 
lead to the South Sea or China; as Champlain, who the same summer had been making his 
way through Lake Champlain to the South Sea, concluded that his course did not lead tliither. 
The two explorers by opposite routes approached unawares within twenty leagues of each 
other. On the 4th of October Hudson came again into the sea, and reached Dartmouth, Eng- 
land, November 7. He proposed to sail again in the service of the Dutch East India Com- 



20 

pany, but was ordered by the English government to remain with his Knglishmen in English 
service. 

Purchas, in the third volume of his " Piigrimes" (1625), published the accounts by Hud- 
son and his companions of all the four voyages ; and these are reprinted in tlie first volume 
of the New York Historical Society's Collections. In Purclias's "Pilgrimage" there is a 
chapter on Hudson's " Discoveries and Death,'' which is mainly a summary of the documents 
in the " Piigrimes." 

Asher's " Henry Hudson, the Navigator," edited, with a critical introduction and notes, 
for the Hakluyt Society (i860), is an exhaustive account of Hudson's explorations, and in- 
cludes the original accounts of the four voyages given by Purchas, the earlv Dutch accounts 
by Hessel-geritz, Van Meteren, and De Laet, and later notices. A full bibliography is given 
by Asher, p. 258. John Meredith Read, Jr.'s, " Historical Inquiry concerning Henry Hud- 
son and his Family'" and Henry C. Murphy's "Henry Hudson in Holland" are valuable 
studies. De Costa's " Sailing Directions of Hudson " is accompanied by a dissertation on 
the discovery of the Hudson River. All the common histories of New York have chapters 
on Hudson's discovery. Moulton (Yates and Moulton's History of New York) gives a run- 
ning commentary on Hudson's passage up the river. 

The chapter on " New Netherland, or the Dutch in North America," in the " Narrative 
and Critical History of America" (vol. iv.), is by Berthold Kernow; and his appended critical 
essay on the sources of information is a most valuable bibliography. The early volumes of 
Brodhead's "Documents relating to the Colonial History of New York" contain an invalu- 
able mass of documents relating to the Dutch period. Asher has published a " Bibliographi- 
cal and Historical Essay on the Dutch Books and Pamphlets relating to New Netherland." 
Adrian Van der Donck's "Description of New Netherland" (1655) is published as Old 
South Leaflet No. 69 : and the notes will be of ser\'ice to the student. 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 



<9\b ^outl) Heaflet^ 




No. 



Pastorius's 

Description of 

Pennsylvania. 

1700. 



A Particular Geociraphical Description of the Lately Discov- 
ered Province of Pennsylvania, situated on the Frontiers 
of this Western World, America. By Francis Daniel Pas- 
TORius. Translated from the Original German by Lewis 
H. Weiss. 



Introduction. 



The fourth grand division of our world, America, is divided 
into two great parts, the first of which lies to the south, and 
comprises the following provinces : — 

I St, The Golden Castilia, which again contains the colonies 
of Papaya, New Grenada, Carthagena, Venazola, Nova Anda- 
lusia, and Paria. 

2d, The land of Guyana, in possession of the Dutch, of 
which they were desirous to lease a part lying between the 
rivers Paria and Amazones to the Count Hanau in 1669. 

3d, The land of Brasilia, belonging to the Portuguese, in the 
which are the cities of St. Salvator, Olinda, and Pernambuco. 

4th, The land of Chile. 

5th, The land of Peru, the metropolis of which is Lima, 
in which city the Spanish viceroy has his residence. This 
province bounds on the Andes, among which there is much 
gold to be found. The aborigines are a race of giants of ten 
feet stature. 

In this Southern America there are two great rivers, the 
Amazones and the Rio de la Plata. C^po/i the borders flows the 
stream Panama or Isthmus, on which the rich productions of 
the country are brought to the seashore, and thence transported 
to Spain. 



The second part, or North America, comprises : — 

I St, The land of Nicaragua, Guatimala, Nova Hispania, an.' 
Chersonesa, which expand to the Mexican sea. 

2d, The land of Flowers (Florida). 

3d, Virginia, which belongs to the English. 

4th, Nova Belgia, the chief town of which is New Amster- 
dam. 

5th, Nova Anglia, in which land is the city of Cambridge, 
where the Bible has been printed in the Indian language. 

6th, The lands Canada, Nova Gallia, Terra Corte Realis, 
Terra Labrador, and Nova Britannia. 

Of this entire American continent very little was known until 
1 441, for none of its inhabitants had ever ventured across the 
ocean to Europe. 

The first discoverer of this western world was Christopher 
Columbus, an Italian, a native of the village of Cucurco near 
Genoa, descended from the noble family Pilustroli, a profound 
scholar and an experienced navigator. 

Having observed while on the isle of Cadiz that at cer- 
tain seasons of the year the wind blew from the westward 
for many days together, he concluded that it must come 
from some undiscovered country in that direction, and he 
offered to proceed on a voyage to discover said land, 
provided the Genoese republic would furnish him with sev- 
eral suitable vessels. Upon his being refused it, he next 
applied to Henry VII., king of England, with no better suc- 
cess. He also waited upon Alfonsus, king of Portugal, with 
no better success ;• but finally Ferdinand and Isabella, sov- 
ereigns of Castilia, granted him three small ships, with which 
he set sail in August, 1492, and after a month he came to the 
island of Comera, where he laid in some provisions, and thirty 
days after he arrived at the isle Guarglysna. He next visited 
the islands of Cumana and Haiti, which last he named His- 
paniola. Here he built a fort. After he had examined into the 
resources of these countries, he resolved to return to Spain, to 
announce his good fortune to the king and queen, and arrived 
again safely, without having lost a single man on his expedi- 
tion. The king was much pleased with the new discovery, 
and conferred upon Columbus the title Admirajuius. He 
afterward made some other voyages to the Insolas Fortiiiiatiis, 
and to the Canaries, on which there are two miraculous foun- 
tains, one of which, if persons drink the water therefrom, it 



<©iU ^DUtf) ntafltt^ 




No. 95. 



Pastorius's 

Description of 

Pennsylvania. 

1700. 



A Particular Geographical Description of the Lately Discov- 
ered Province of Pennsylvania, situated on the Frontiers 
OF this Western World, America. By Francis Daniel Pas- 
TORius. Translated from the Original German by Lewis 
H. Weiss. 



Introduction. 



The fourth grand division of our world, America, is divided 
into two great parts, the first of which lies to the south, and 
comprises the following provinces : — 

I St, The Golden Castilia, which again contains the colonies 
of Papaya, New Grenada, Carthagena, Venazola, Nova Anda- 
lusia, and Paria. 

2d, The land of Guyana, in possession of the Dutch, of 
which they were desirous to lease a part lying between the 
rivers Paria and Amazones to the Count Hanau in 1669. 

3d, The land of Brasilia, belonging to the Portuguese, in the 
which are the cities of St. Salvator, Olinda, and Pernambuco. 

4th, The land of Chile. 

5th, The land of Peru, the metropolis of which is Lima, 
in which city the Spanish viceroy has his residence. This 
province bounds on the Andes, among which there is much 
gold to be found. The aborigines are a race of giants of ten 
feet stature. 

In this Southern America there are two great rivers, the 
Amazones and the Rio de la Plata. Ujfo/i the borders flows the 
streafn Famuna or Isthmus, on which the rich productions of 
the country are brought to the seashore, and thence transported 
to Spain. 



The second part, or North America, comprises : — 

I St, X^e land of Nicaragua, Guatima'la, Nova Hispania, and 
Chersonesa, which expand to the Mexican sea. 

2d, The land of Flowers (Florida). 

3d, Virginia, which belongs to the Fnglish. 

4th, Nova Belgia, the chief town of which is New Amster- 
dam. 

5th, Nova Anglia, in which land is the city of Cambridge, 
where the Bible has been printed in the Indian language. 

6th, The lands Canada, Nova Gallia, Terra Corte Realis, 
Terra Labrador, and Nova Britannia. 

Of this entire American continent very little was known until 
1 441, for none of its inhabitants had ever ventured across the 
ocean to Europe. 

The first discoverer of this western world was Christopher 
Columbus, an Italian, a native of the village of Cucurco near 
Cienoa, descended from the noble family Pilustroli, a profound 
scholar and an experienced navigator. 

Having observed while on the isle of Cadiz that at cer- 
tain seasons of the year the wind blew from the westward 
for many days together, he concluded that it must come 
from some undiscovered country in that direction, and he 
offered to proceed on a voyage . to discover said land, 
provided the Genoese republic would furnish him with sev- 
eral suitable vessels, l^pon his being refused it, he next 
applied to Henry VII., king of England, with no better suc- 
cess. He also waited upon Alfonsus, king of Portugal, with 
no better success ; but finally Ferdinand and Isabella, sov- 
ereigns of Castilia, granted him three small ships, with which 
he set sail in August, 1492, and after a month he came to the 
island of Comera, where he laid in some provisions, and thirty 
days after he arrived at the isle Guarglysna. He next visited 
the islands of Cumana and Haiti, which last he named His- 
l)aniola. Here he built a fort. After he had examined into the 
resources of these countries, he resolved to return to Spain, to 
announce his good fortune to the king and queen, and arrived 
again safely, without having lost a single man on his expedi- 
tion. The king was much pleased with the new discovery, 
and conferred upon Columbus the title Admirafidus. He 
afterward made some other voyages to the Insohis Fortiimitiis, 
and to the Canaries, on which there are two miraculous foun- 
tains, one of which, if persons drink the water therefrom, it 



causes them to laugh immoderately, even so as to cause death ; 
but, if they immediately take a draught from the other fountain, 
it will stop the laughing effect at once. He also visited the 
isle of Teneriffa, in which there is a great and terrible volcano. 
Finally he came to the island where the cannibals reside, and 
because he landed there on a Sunday named it Dominica. 
After making these discoveries, he returned, by way of Cu- 
mana and Jamaica, to Spain. 

Anno Christie i495» the above-mentioned King Ferdinand 
sent the noble Florentine, Vesputius Americus, with four 
large ships into- these regions for the purpose of making 
further researches and discoveries. Americus was the first 
European that reached the continent, where he saw great num- 
bers of the naked inhabitants ; and, after cruising about some 
time among the islands, he returned to Spain in the year 1498. 
The newly discovered continent was named America in honor 
of him, and now contains many rich and valuable colonies and 
trading ports belonging to the Spanish. French, English, and 
the Hollanders. 

Chapter I. 
Of the Discovery of the Pennsylvanian Regions. 

Although, after the successful expeditions of Columbus and 
Americus, many colonies had arisen in this western world, such 
as Xova Hispania, Nova Gallia, BrasiUa, Peru, Golden Castilia, 
Hispaniola, Cumana, Jamaica, Nova Anglia, Florida, Virginia, 
etc., it so happened, anno 1665, [!] by means of the skilful and 
enterprising navigators sent out under the auspices of Caroli 
Stuardus /., king of England, a new and large country was dis- 
covered, lying far beyond the above-mentioned colonies. For 
the time being, however, no name was given to it, inasmuch as 
the natives roamed about the forests, not having any fixed resi- 
dences or towns from which any name could have been derived; 
but they hved here and there in the wilderness in Tuguriis, or 
huts made of the bark of trees. 

About the time of this discovery the Duke of York, having 
great numbers of Swedes and others under his control, com- 
manded that a town should be commenced on the Delia Varra 
River, which was fortified ; and he called the place New Castle. 
He likewise granted to the Swedes large privileges to induce 
them to remain there, and to cultivate the lands, intending to 



settle it, also, with English emigrants. The Swedes began to 
clear away the forests, and soon became a flourishing com- 
munity. 

About this time the unheard-of tragedy was enacted in Eng- 
land, that the king was taken by his own subjects and be- 
headed ; his son, the heir to the throne, pursued for his life ; 
but he managed to make his escape through the instrumen- 
tality of his general, Lord Penn, who carried him to France in 
disguise, for which goodly service Penn's entire estates were 
confiscated or destroyed ; and he himself died in exile, before 
the restoration of the prince. 

Upon the reinstating of Carolus II. on the throne of his 
father, he was visited by William Penn, the only son of Lord 
Penn ; and he received him very graciously. In consideration 
of the services of his father, he presented to him this entire 
region, together with the colony of New Castle, forever. This 
royal bounty bears the date April 21, 1681. Penn now pub- 
lished it in the city of London, that he intended to establish 
a colony there, and offered to sell lands to all such as wished 
to emigrate. LTpon this many persons offered to go, and Penn 
accompanied them thither, where he founded the city of Phil- 
adelphia, in 1682. A German society also contracted with his 
agents in London for several thousand acres of land to estab- 
lish a German colony there. The entire region was named 
Pennsylvania, which signifies Peufi s forest lands. 



Chapter II. 

Contains Penn's charter and plans of settlement, which are 
already well known in the English language. 



Chapter III. 
Co7iccrning the German Society. 

The German Society commissioned myself, Francis Daniel 
Pastorius, as their licensed agent, to go to Pennsylvania and to 
superintend the purchase and survey of their lands. 

I set out from Frankford on the Mayne, went to London, 
where I made the purchase, and then embarked for America. 

Under the protection of the Almighty, I arrived safely at 



5 

Philadelphia ; and I was enabled to send my report home to 
Germany on the 7th of March, 16S4. 

The lands I purchased were to be as follows : fifteen thou- 
sand acres in one tract on some navigable stream. 

Three hundred acres in the City Liberties, which is the strip 
of land lying between the rivers Dellavarra and Scolkill, above 
Philadelphia. 

Three lots in the city proper for the purpose of building 
thereon. 

Upon my arrival I applied to the governor, William Penn, 
for warrants, so as to survey and take possession of the afore- 
said lands. 

His first answer, concerning the three hundred acres in the 
Liberties and the three lots in the city, was this : " That 
these could by right not be claimed by the German Company, 
because they had. been purchased after he had left London, 
the books closed, and all the lots previously disposed of." He, 
however, had three lots in the city surveyed for me, out of his 
youngest son's portion, instead of those above mentioned. 

Beginning to number the houses from the Dellavarra River, 
our trading-house is the ninth in order. 

Our first lot in the city is of the following dimensions. It 
has one hundred feet front, and is four hundred feet deep. 
Next to it is to be a street. Adjoining it lies the second lot of 
the same size as No. i. Then another street. Lot No. 3 
joins this street, its size being the same as the other two. On 
these lots we can build two dwellings at each end, making in 
all twelve buildings with proper yards and gardens, and all of 
them fronting on the streets. 

For the first few years, little or no profit can reasonably be 
expected to accrue from these lots, on account of the great 
scarcity of money in this province, and, also, that as yet this 
country has no goods or productions of any kind to trade with 
or export to Europe. 

Our governor, William Penn, intends to establish and en- 
courage the growing and manufactory of woollens ; to introduce 
the cultivation of the vine, for which this country is peculiarly 
well adapted, so that our company had better send us a quan- 
tity of wine barrels and vats of various sorts, also all kinds of 
farming and gardening implements. Item, several iron boilers 
of various sizes, and copper and brass kettles. Ite7n, an iron 
stove, several blankets and mattresses, also a few pieces of 



Barchet and white linens, which might be sold in our trading- 
house here to good advantage. 

On the 1 6th of November last a fair had been held at Phila- 
delphia ; but we only sold about ten dollars' worth at our trad- 
ing-house, owing altogether to the scarcity of money, as has 
been already mentioned. 

As relating to our newly laid out town, Gcnnajwpolis, or Ger- 
mantown, it is situated on a deep and very fertile soil, and is 
blessed with an abundance of fine springs and fountains of 
fresh water. The main street is sixty and the cross street 
forty feet in width. Every family has a plot of ground for 
yard and garden three acres in size. 



Chapier IV. 

Treats of William Penn's laws, which are already known in 
the English language. 

Chapter V. 
Of the Situation of the Country and the Risers thereof. 

The situation of Pennsylvania is like unto that of Naples in 
Italy. This region lies in the fortieth degree of north latitude, 
is bounded on the east by the Dellavarra River, and extends 
in length 75 miles, in breadth 45.* 

The islands bordering upon this province are New Jersey, 
Marieland, and Virginia. In these regions, several new and 
beautiful stars and constellations are visible, which have here- 
tofore been entirely unknown to the European astrologi and 
learned ones. 

The river Dellavarra is so beautiful a stream as not to have 
its equal among all the rivers of Europe. 

It is navigable for vessels of one hundred tons thirty miles 
beyond Philadelphia. It separates Pennsylvania from New 
Jersey. At Philadelphia it is two and at New Castle three 
miles wide ; is abundantly stocked with the finest fish, as is 
likewise the river Scolkill. 

The springs and fountains of water are innumerable. 

The woods and copses are filled with beautiful birds of great 

* German miles, one of which is equal to five English or American miles. 



7 

variety, which proclaim their Creator's praises, in their pleas- 
antest manner. There is, besides, a great abundance of wild 
geese, ducks, turkeys, quails, pigeons, partridges, and many 
other sorts of game. 

Chapters VI. and VII. 

Are omitted, as containing nothing of interest to the English 
reader. 

Chapter VIII. 
Of the Towns and Cities in this Province. 

The governor, William Penn, laid out the city of Philadel- 
phia, between the two rivers Dellavarra and Scolkill, naming 
it with the pious wish and desire that its inhabitants might 
dwell together in brotherly love and unity. 

The Dellavarra is deep enough so that the largest vessels 
can come up close to the bank, which is but about a stone's 
cast from the city. 

Another English company have laid out the new town of 
Frankfort., five miles above Philadelphia, at w^hich now so 
flourishing and pleasant place they have already established 
several good mills, a glass-house, pottery, and some stores and 
trading-houses. 

New Castle lies forty miles from the ocean on the Dellavarra, 
and has a very good harbor. 

The town of Uplandt is twenty miles above New Castle on 
the river, and is a fine large place, inhabited mostly by 
Swedes. 

On the twenty-fourth day of Octobriis, anno 1685, I, 
Francis Daniel Pastorius, with the wish and concurrence of 
our governor, laid out and planned a new town, which we 
called Germantown or Germanopolis, in a very fine and fertile 
district, with plenty of springs of fresh water, being well sup- 
plied with oak, walnut, and chestnut trees, and having besides 
excellent and abundant pasturage for the catde. At the com- 
mencement there were but twelve families of forty-one individ- 
uals, consisting mostly of German mechanics and weavers. 
The principal street of this, our town, I made sixty feet in 
width, and the cross street forty feet. The space or lot for 
each house and garden I made three acres in size ; for my own 
dwelling, however, six acres. 



8 

Before my laying out of this town, I had already erected a 
small house in Philadelphia, thirty feet by fifteen in size. The 
windows, for the want of glass, were made of oiled paper. 
Over the door I had placed the following inscription : — 

Parva domus, sed arnica bonis, procul este prophani, 

at which our governor, when he paid me a visit, laughed 
heartily, at the same time encouraging me to build more. 

I have also obtained 15,000 acres of land for our company, 
in one tract, with this condition, — that within one year at 
least thirty families should settle on it ; and thus we may, by 
God's blessing, have a separate German province, where we 
can all live together in one. 

Chapter IX. 
Of the Productions of the Country. 

Inasmuch as this region lies in the same degree of latitude 
as Montepelier and Naples, but has a much richer soil, and that 
better watered by its many springs and rivulets, it is but 
reasonable to suppose that such a country must be well calcu- 
lated to produce all kinds of fruit. The air is pure and serene, 
the summer is longer and warmer than it is in Germany, and 
we are cultivating many kinds of fruits and vegetables, and 
our labors meet with rich reward. 

Of cattle we have a great abundance, but for want of proper 
accommodation they roam at large for the present. 

Sugar and syrup we import from Barbados, and he that has 
not money barters with such articles of produce as he may 
have. The articles of trade between the Indians and the 
Christians consist of fish, birds, deerskins, and the furs of 
beavers, otters, foxes, etc. They usually exchange these things 
for liquor or else for their own kind of money, which they call 
wampum, and consists of red and white seashells, which are 
neatly prepared, and strung like beads. These strings of 
wampum they make use of to decorate themselves with. Their 
king wears a crown made of the same. 

Twelve strings of the red are valued as much as twenty-four 
white ones. They like this kind of money much better than 
our silver coin, because they are so often deceived by it, not 
being able to distinguish the counterfeit from the genuine, and. 



as they cannot well calculate the difference in its value, they 
do not much like to take it. 

The money in circulation among ourselves is Spanish and 
English coin. Gems and precious stones we have none, neither 
do we desire any. We would not give him any great thanks 
who would dig them out of the earth ; for these things which 
God has created for good and wise purposes have been most 
shamefully abused by man, and have become the servants of 
human pride and ostentation rather than being conducive to 
the Creator's glory. 

Chapter X. 
Of the Growth and Improvement of this Colony. 

Although this far-distant land was a dense wilderness, — and 
it is only quite recently that it has come under the cultivation 
of the Christians, — there is much cause of wonder and admira- 
tion how rapidly it has already, under the blessing of God, ad- 
vanced, and is still advancing, day by day. The first part of 
the time we were obliged to obtain our provisions from the Jer- 
seys for money, and at a high price ; but now we not only have 
enough for ourselves, but a considerable surplus to dispose of 
among our neighboring colonies. Of the most needful me- 
chanics we have enough now ; but day-laborers are very scarce, 
and of them we stand in great need. Of mills, brick-kilns, and 
tile-ovens we have the necessary number. 

Our surplus of grain and cattle we trade to Barbados for 
rum, syrup, sugar, and salt. The furs, however, we export to 
England for other manufactured goods. 

We ire also endeavoring to introduce the cultivation of the 
vine, and also the manufacture of woollen cloths and linens, 
so as to keep our money as much as possible in the country. 
For this reason we have already established fairs to be held at 
stated times, so as to bring the people of different parts to- 
gether for the purposes of barter and trade, and thereby en- 
courage our own industry and prevent our little money from 
going abroad. 



lO 



Chapter XI. 
Of the Inhabitants of this Land. 

The inhabitants may be divided into three classes: (i) the 
Aborigines, or, as they are called, the savages ; (2) those Chris- 
tians who have been in the country for years, and are called 
old settlers ; (3) the newly arrived colonists of the different 
companies. 

I. The savages, or Indians, are in general strong, nimble, and 
well-shaped people, of a dark, tawny complexion, and wore no 
clothing whatever when the first Europeans came to this coun- 
try. Now, however, they hang a blanket about their shoulders, 
or some of them also have shirts. 

They have straight black hair, which they cut off close to 
the head, save one tuft, which they leave stand on the right 
side. Their children they anoint with the fat of the bears and 
other animals, so as to make their skin dark, for by nature they 
would be white enough. They cultivate among themselves the 
most scrupulous honesty, are unwavering in keeping promises, 
defraud and insult no one, are very hospitable to strangers, 
obliging to their guests, and faithful even to death towards 
their friends. 

Their huts, or wigwams, they make by bending down several 
young trees, and covering them with bark. 

They use neither tables nor chairs nor furniture of any kind, 
except, perhaps, a single pot or kettle to cook tneir food. 

I once saw four of them dining together in great enjoyment 
of their feast. It consisted in nothing more than a pumpkin, 
simply boiled in water, without salt, butter, or spice of any 
kind. Their seat and table was the bare ground, their spoons 
were sea-shells, wherewith they supped the warm water, and 
their plates were the leaves of the nearest tree, which, after 
they were done their meal, they had no occasion of washing or 
any need of carefully preserving for future use. I thought to 
myself on witnessing this scene how these poor savages, who 
have never heard of the Saviour's doctrines and maxims of 
contentment and temperance, how far superior they are to our- 
selves, so-called Christians, at least so far as these virtues are 
concerned. 

They are otherwise very grave and reserved, speak but little, 
and in few words, and are greatly surprised when they hear 



II 

much needless and even foolish talking and tale-bearing among 
us Christians. 

They are true and faithful in their matrimonial relations, 
abhorring licentiousness in the extreme. Above all do they 
despise deception and falsehood. They have no idols, but 
adore one great, good Spirit, who keeps the devil in subjec- 
tion. They believe in the immortality of the soul, and, accord- 
ing as they have lived in this world, do they expect a reward 
or punishment in the future. 

Their peculiar mode of worship consists principally in sing- 
ing and dancing, during which they make use of the most 
singular contortions and positions of the body; and, when the 
remembrance of the death of parents or dear friends is brought 
to their mind, they break forth into the most piteous cries and 
lamentations. 

They are fond of hearing us speak about the Creator of 
heaven and the earth, and of his wisdom and divine power, 
and particularly do they listen wnih emotion to the narrative 
of the Saviour's life and sufferings ; but it is greatly to be re- 
gretted that we are not yet sufficiently acquainted with their 
language, so as to explain the great plan of salvation to them 
fully. 

They behave with the greatest respect and decorum when- 
ever they attend public worship in our churches ; and it is my 
firm belief that many of these poor American savages will in 
the great day rise up in judgment with those of Tyre and 
Sidon against our own wicked and perverse generation. As 
regards their domestic arrangements, the men attend to the 
chase, hunting, and fishing, the women bring up their chil- 
dren, instructing them in virtue and honor. They raise some 
few vegetables, such as corn and beans ; but, as to any exten- 
sive farming and cultivation, they concern themselves nothing 
about it, but are rather surprised that w^e, as Christians, should 
have so many cares and anxieties as to our support and nour- 
ishment, just as if we did not believe that God will and can 
sustain and provide for us. 

They speak a most beautiful and grave language, which 
sounds very much like the Italian, although it has entirely 
different words. 

They are in the habit of painting their faces with various 
colors, and the women as well as the men are very fond of 
tobacco. 



12 

2. The earlier Europeans or old settlers. These never had 
the proper motives in settling here ; for, instead of instructing 
the poor Indians in the Christian virtues, their only desire was 
gain, without ever scrupling about the means employed in 
obtaining it. 

By these means they have taught those natives who had 
dealings with them nothing but deception and many other evil 
habits, so that there is very little of virtue or honesty remaining 
on either side. 

These wicked people make it a custom to pay the savages in 
rum and other liquors for the furs they bring to them, so that 
these poor deluded Indians have become very intemperate, and 
sometimes drink to such excess that they can neither walk nor 
stand. On such occasions they often commit thefts and other 
vices. 

3. The newly arrived colonists of our and other companies. 
We who have come over to this land with good and honest in- 
tentions have purchased considerable tracts of land where we 
will settle, and endeavor to live in happiness and contentment ; 
and we are living in the hope and expectation that we can in 
time do something for the eternal welfare and salvation of the 
aborigines. May our God prosper and bless our undertakings ! 



Chapter XII. 
Of the Goi'ermnents of this Laud. 

The aborigines of this country had their own chiefs and 
kings. 

We Christians acknowledge as our governor and chief 
magistrate the oft-named and excellent, the Hon. William 
Penn, to whom this region was granted and given as his own 
by his majesty of England, Carolus II., with the express com- 
mand that all the previous and future colonists should be sub- 
ject to Penn's laws and jurisdiction. 

This wise and truly pious ruler and governor did not, how- 
ever, take possession of the province thus granted without 
having first conciliated, and at various councils and treaties 
duly purchased from, the natives of this country the various 
regions of Pennsylvania. He, having by these means obtained 
good titles to the province, under the sanction and signature of 
the native chiefs, I therefore have purchased from him some 
thirty thousand acres for my German colony. 



13 

Now, although the oft-mentioned William Penn is one of the 
sect of Friends, or Quakers, still he will compel no man to be- 
long to his particular society ; but he has granted to every one 
free and untrammelled exercise of their opinions and the larg- 
est and most complete liberty of conscience. 



Chapter XIII. 
Of the Various Religions Denominations of these Parts. 

The native Indians have no written religious belief or creed ; 
and their own peculiar ideas, which are by no means so rude 
or so barbarous as those of many other heathens, have to be 
transmitted from the parents to their children only per tradi- 
tionem. 

The English and the Dutch adhere to the Calvinistic persua- 
sion. 

The colonists of William Penn are nearly all Quakers. 

The Swedes and Germans are Evangelical Lutherans, under 
the jurisdiction of the Bishop of Upsala. The Swedes have 
their own churches. The name of their clergyman is Fabri- 
cius, of whom I must say with deep regret that he is an intem- 
perate man, and, as regards spiritual things, very dark and 
ignorant. We in Germantown built a little chapel for our- 
selves in 1686, but did not so much care for a splendid stone 
edifice as for having an humble but true temple devoted to the 
living God, in which true believers might be edified to the sal- 
vation of their souls. The ministers here might have an excel- 
lent opportunity to obey and practise the command of the 
Saviour, " Go ye into all the world and preach the gospel " ; 
but, unfortunately, they seek more their own comfort and ease 
than they do the glory of the Redeemer. 



Chapter XIV. 
Of the German Society for the Settling in Pennsylvania. 



L 



The principal participants in this society of ours are the 
following-named gentlemen : — 

Jacob von De Walle, Dr. John Jacob Schuetz, and Daniel 



Behagel, all of Franckfort-on-the-Mayne. 



Gerhard von Mastricht, of Duisburg ; Thomas von W'ylich, 
and John Lebrunn, of Wesel. 

Benjamin Furly, of Rotterdam ; Phihp Fort, of London. 

These persons will attend to and care for all letters and 
papers for our colony, and will also assist and give advice to 
all such as desire to emigrate, if such applicants be of good 
moral character and standing, and their motives and intentions 
for emigrating are honest and good. 

In Pennsylvania the whole direction and management of the 
colony has been intrusted to my humble abilities, for the time 
being; and may the Almighty give me the proper wisdom and 
strength to fulfil all my arduous duties. 



Chapter XV. 

Of the Opp07'tunities and Ways of Einigraiing to this Country. 

From the month of April until in the fall of every year 
there are vessels sailing to Pennsylvania, at frequent times, 
from England, principally from the port of Deal, although 
there is no fixed time or day set for sailing, and persons are 
therefore compelled to watch their opportunity. Whenever 
there is a company of thirty-five or forty passengers together, 
exclusive of the ship's crew, a vessel is despatched. Every 
grown-up man pays for his passage the sum of £(i sterling, or 
thirty-six rix dollars. For a female or servant, twenty-two rix 
dollars. £\ sterling is equal to six rix dollars. 



Chapter XVI. 

Of my 07i<n ]^oyagc hither. 

After I had left London, where I had made all my arrange- 
ments with Penn's agent, and arrived at Deal, 1 hired four 
male and two female servants, and on the 7th of June, 1683, set 
sail with a company of eighty passengers. Our ship drew 
thirteen feet of water. Our fare on board was poor enough. 
The allowance of provision for ten persons per week was as 
follows : three pounds of butter ; daily, four cans of beer and 
one can of water ; every noon, two dishes of peas ; four times 



15 

per week salt meat, and three times salt fish, which we were 
obliged to cook, each man for himself, and had daily to save 
enough from dinner to serve for our suppers also. And, as 
these provisions w^ere usually very poor, and the fish sometimes 
tainted, we were all compelled to make liberal use of liquors 
and other refreshments of a similar nature to preserve the 
health amid such hard fare. Moreover, it is the practice of 
the masters of these vessels to impose upon their passengers 
in a shameful manner by giving them very short allowances. 
It is therefore advisable not to pay the passage in full in Eng- 
land, but to withhold a part until the arriving in America, so 
that they are obliged to fulfil their part of the contract. Fur- 
thermore, it is advisable to endeavor to obtain passage in 
vessels bound to Philadelphia direct, inasmuch as those who 
come in such, landing at Upland, are subjected to many and 
grievous molestations. 

On the sixteenth day of August, 1683, we came in sight of 
the American continent, but did not enter the Capes of Dela- 
ware until the i8th ejusdon. The 20th ejusdem we passed by 
New Castle and Upland, and arrived toward evening at Phila- 
delphia, in perfect health and safety, where we were all wel- 
comed with great joy and love by the governor, William Penn, 
and his secretary. He at once made me his confidential friend, 
and I am frequently requested to dine with him, where I can 
enjoy his good counsel and edifying conversations. Lately 
I could not visit him for eight days, when he waited upon me 
himself, requesting me to dine with him in future twice in each 
week, without particular invitation, assuring me of his love and 
friendship toward myself and the German nation, hoping that 
all the rest of the colonists would do the same. 



Chapter XVII. 

Of the Duties and Labors of the Gennaii Colonist. 

Our German society have in this place now established a 
lucrative trade in woollen and linen goods, together with a 
large assortment of other useful and necessary articles, and 
have intrusted this extensive business to my own direction. 
Besides this they have now purchased and hold over thirty 
thousand acres of land, for the sake of establishing an entirely 
German colony. In my newly laid out Germantown there are 



already sixty-four families in a very prosperous condition. 
Such persons, therefore, and all those who still arrive, have to 
fall to work and swing the axe most vigorously ; for wherever 
you turn the cry is, Itur in antiqiiain syh'am, nothing but end- 
less forests. So that I have been often wishing for a number 
of stalwart Tyrolians, to throw down these gigantic oak and 
other forest trees, but which we will be obliged to cut down 
ourselves by degrees and with almost incredible labor and ex- 
ertion, during which we can have a very forcible illustration 
of the sentence pronounced upon our poor old father Adam, 
that in the sweat of his brow he shotild eat his bread. To our 
successors, and others coming after us, we would say that they 
must not only bring over money, but a firm determination to 
labor and make themselves useful to our infant colony. Upon 
the whole, we may consider that man blessed whom the devil 
does not find idling. In the meantime we are employing the 
wild inhabitants as day-laborers, for which they are, however, 
not much inclined ; and we ourselves are gradually learning 
their language, so to instruct them in the religion of Christ, 
inviting them to attend our church services, and therefore 
have the pleasing hope that the spirit of God may be the means 
of enlightening many of these poor heathens unto their souls' 
salvation. To Him be honor, praise, thanks, and glory, forever- 
more. Amen. 



INTRODUCTORY NOTE TO "THE PENNSYLVANIA 
PILGRIM." 

BY JOHN G. WHITTIEK. 

The beginning of German emigration to America may be traced to 
the personal influence of William Penn, who in 1677 visited the 
Continent, and made the acquaintance of an intelligent and highly 
cultivated circle of Pietists, or Mystics, who, reviving in the seven- 
teenth century the spiritual faith and worship of Tauler and the 
" Friends of God " in the fourteenth, gathered about the pastor 
Spener, and the young and beautiful Eleonora Johanna \'on Merlau. 
In this circle originated the Frankfort Land Company, which bought 
of William Penn, the Governor of Pennsylvania, a tract of land 
near the new city of Philadelphia. 

The company's agent in the New World was a rising young 



17 

lawyer, Francis Daniel Pastorius, son of Judge Pastorius of Winds- 
heim, who at the age of seventeen entered the University of Altorf. 
He studied law at Strasburg, Basle, and Jena, and at Ratisbon. the 
seat of the Imperial Government, obtained a practical knowledge of 
international polity. Successful in all his examinations and disputa- 
tions, he received the degree of Doctor of Law, at Nuremberg, in 
1676. In 1679 he was a law lecturer at Frankfort, where he became 
deeply interested in the teachings of Dr. Spener. In 1680-81 he 
travelled in France, England, Ireland, and Italy with his friend Herr 
\^on Rodeck. " I was," he says, "glad to enjoy again the company 
of my Christian friends rather than be with Von Rodeck, feasting 
and dancing." In 1683, in company with a small number of German 
Friends, he emigrated to America, settling upon the Frankfort Com- 
pany's tract, between the Schuylkill and the Delaware Rivers. The 
township was divided into four hamlets ; namely, Germantown, Kris- 
heim, Cretield, and Sommerhausen. Soon after his arrival he united 
himself with the Society of Friends, and became one of its most able 
and devoted members, as well as the recognized head and lawgiver 
of the settlement. He married, two years after his arrival, Anneke 
(Anna), daughter of Dr. Klosterman, of Muhlheim. 

In the year 1688 he drew up a memorial against slaveholding, 
which was adopted 'by the Germantown Friends, and sent up to the 
monthly meeting, and thence to the yearly meeting at Philadelphia. 
It is noteworthy as the first protest made by a religious body against 
negro slavery. The original document was discovered in 1844, by 
the Philadelphia antiquarian. Nathan Kite, and published in The 
Friend (vol. xviii. No. 16). It is a bold and direct appeal to the 
best instincts of the heart. ''Have not," he asks, "these negroes 
as much right to fight for their freedom as you have to keep them 
slaves ? " 

Under the wise direction of Pastorius, the Germantown settlement 
grew and prospered. The inhabitants planted orchards and vine- 
yards, and surrounded themselves with souvenirs of their old home. 
A large number of them were linen-weavers, as well as small farmers. 
The Quakers were the principal sect; but men of all religions were 
tolerated, and lived together in harmony. In 1692 Richard Frame 
published, in what he called verse, a " Description of Pennsylvania," in 
which he alludes to the settlement : — 

" The German town of which I spoke before, 
Which is at least in length one mile or more, 
Where lives High German people and Low Dutch, 
Whose trade in weaving linen cloth is much, — 
There grows the flax, as also you may know 
That from the same they do divide the tow. 
Their trade suits well their habitation, — 
We find convenience for their occupation." 



i8 

Pastorius seems to have been on intimate terms with William 
Penn, Thomas Lloyd, Chief Justice Logan, Thom.as Story, and other 
leading men in the Province belonging to his own religious society, 
as also with Kelpius, the learned Mystic of the Wissahickon, with 
the pastor of the Swedes' church, and the leaders of the Mennonites. 
He wrote a description of Pennsylvania, which was published at 
Frankfort and Leipzig in 1700 and 1701. His " Lives of the Saints '' 
etc., written in German, and dedicated to Professor Schurmberg, his 
old teacher, was published in 1690. He left behind him many un- 
published manuscripts, covering a very wide range of subjects, most 
of which are now lost. One huge manuscript folio, entitled •' Hive 
Beestock, Melliotropheum Alucar, or Rusca Apium.*' still remains, 
containing one thousand pages, with about one hundred lines to a 
page. It is a medley of knowledge and fancy, history, philosophy, 
and poetry, written in seven languages. A large portion of his 
poetry is devoted to the pleasures of gardening, the description of 
flowers, and the care of bees. The following specimen of his pun- 
ning Latin is addressed to an orchard pilferer : — 

" Quisquis in haec furtim reptas viridaria nostra 
Tangere fallaci poma caveto manu, 
Si non obsequeris faxit Deus omne quod opto, 
Cum mails nosiris ut mala cuncta feras." 

Professor Oswald Seidensticker, to whose papers in Der Deutsche 
Pioneer and that able periodical the Penn Monthly of Philadelphia 
I am indebted for many of the foregoing facts in regard to the 
German pilgrims of the New World, thus closes his notice of 
Pastorius : — 

•' No tombstone, not even a record of burial, indicates where his 
remains have found their last resting-place ; and the pardonable de- 
sire to associate the homage due to this distinguished man with 
some visible memento cannot be gratitied. There is no reason to 
suppose that he was interred in any other place than the Friends' 
old burying-ground in Germantown, though the fact is not attested 
by any definite source of information. After all, this obliteration of 
the last trace of his earthly existence is but typical of what has over- 
taken the times which he represents : that Germantown which he 
founded, which saw him live and move, is at present but a quaint 
idyl of the past, almost a myth, barely remembered and little cared 
for by the keener race that has succeeded.'' 

The Pilgrims of Plymouth have not lacked historian and poet. 
Justice has been done to their faith, courage, and self-sacrifice, and 
to the mighty influence of their endeavors to establish righteousness 
on the earth. The Quaker pilgrims of Pennsylvania, seeking the 
same object by different means, have not been equally fortunate. 
The power of their testimony for truth and holiness, peace and free- 



dom, enforced only by what Milton calls "the unresistible might of 
meekness,'' has been felt through two centuries, in the amelioration 
of penal severities, the abolition of slavery, the reform of the erring, 
the relief of the poor and suffering, — felt, in brief, in every step of 
human progress. But of the men themselves, with the single excep- 
tion of William Penn, scarcely anything is known. Contrasted, 
from the outset, with the stern, aggressive Puritans of New England, 
they have come to be regarded as " a feeble folk," with a personality 
as doubtful as their unrecorded graves. They were not soldiers, like 
Miles Standish ; they had no figure so picturesque as Vane: no 
leader so rashly brave and haughty as Endicott. No Cotton Mather 
wrote their Magnalia : they had no awful drama of supernaturalism. 
in which Satan and his angels were actors ; and the only witch men- 
tioned in their simple annals was a poor old Swedish woman, who, 
on complaint of her countrywomen, was tried and acquitted of every- 
thing but imbecility and folly. Nothing but commonplace offices of 
civiHty came to pass between them and the Indians. Indeed, their 
enemies taunted them with the fact that the savages did not regard 
them as Christians, but just such men as themselves. Yet it must 
be apparent to every careful observer of the progress of American 
civilization that its two principal currents had their sources in the 
entirely opposite directions of the Puritan and Quaker colonies. To 
use the words of a late writer : * •' The historical forces, with which 
no others may be compared in their influence on the people, have 
been those of the Puritan and the Quaker. The strength of the one 
was in the confession of an invisible Presence, a righteous, eternal 
Will, which would establish righteousness on earth ; and thence 
arose the conviction of a direct personal responsibility, which could 
be tempted by no external splendor, and could be shaken by no in- 
ternal agitation, and could not be evaded or transferred. The 
strength of the other was the witness in the human spirit to an eter- 
nal Word, an Inner Voice which spoke to each alone, while yet it 
spoke to every man ; a Light which each was to follow, and which 
yet was the light of the world ; and all other voices were silent 
before this ; and the solitary path, whither it led. was more sacred 
than the worn ways of cathedral aisles." 

It will be sufficiently apparent to the reader, that in the poem 
which follows [>' The Pennsylvania Pilgrim "] I have attempted 
nothing beyond a study of the life and times of the Pennsylvania 
colonist, — a simple picture of a noteworthy man and his locality. 
The colors of my sketch are all very sober, toned down to the c|uiet 
and dreamy atmosphere through which its subject is visible. 
Whether, in the glare and tumult of the present time, such a picture 
will find favor, may well be questioned. " I only know that it has be- 
guiled for me some hours of weariness, and that, whatever may be 
its measure of public appreciation, it has been to me its own reward. 

* Mulford's " Nation,'" pp. 267, 26S. 



20 



Francis Daniel Pastorius, the founder of Germantown, the combined Brewster and Brad- 
ford of that famous German colony, was born in Franconia in 165 1, the son of a judge. He 
was educated in the classical and modem languages and all the science of his age, and had 
entered upon the practice of law, when, having joined the Pietists, he concerted with his 
friends a plan for emigrating to Pennsylvania. Pastorius had formed the acquaintance of 
William Penn in England, and become a con\'ert to his doctrines. He and his associates 
organized as the Frankfort Land Company, who, with some merchants of Crefeld, bought 
thirty or forty thousand acres in Pennsylvania; and in 1683 Pastorius conducted his colony 
of Germans and Dutch thither, settling at Germantown. Until his death, in 1719, he was 
a man of great influence among the colonists. In 1688 he was one of the signers of a pro- 
test to the Friends' meeting at Burlington against buying and selling slaves or holding men 
in slavery, which he pronounced " an act irreconcilable with the precepts of the Christian 
religion." This was the earliest protest against slavery in America, and is the subject of 
Whittier's poem, "The Pennsylvania Pilgrim," the introduction to which is printed in this 
leaflet. This beautiful and thoughtful poem of Whittier's, the result of much careful study 
by the poet, should receive careful study from the historical student. It performs for the 
Germantown Pietists the ser\ice wiiich Longfellow's "Courtship of Miles Standish" per- 
forms for tlie Plymouth Pilgrims, bringing their simple life home to us as it is done nowhere 
else. Pastorius taught tor many years in Germantown and Philadelphia. His Latin pro- 
logue to the Germantown book of records has been translated by Whittier in the ode begin- 
ning " Hail to Posterity." He was a most prolific writer, upon all sorts of subjects, although 
most of his works remain in manuscript. A complete acrount of them is given in Seiden- 
sticker's "First Century of German Printing in America." His "Geographical Description 
of Pennsylvania," republished in the present leaflet, was a pamphlet, consisting in part of 
letters to his father, published at Frankfort and Leipzig in 1700. The English translation, 
here given, was published in the " Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," vol. 
iv.. Part IL, 1850, and gave all of the original which was important. The statements in the 
early part especially must not be taken too seriously, as tiiere is much that is unscientific, and 
the translation does not seem critical. 

Accounts of the Germantown settlement and of the Germans in Pennsylvania will be 
found in the various histories of Pennsylvania. "The German Pietists of Provincial Penn- 
sylvania," by Sachse, contains many references to Pastorius. Chambers's "The Early Ger- 
mans of New Jersey," Phebe Karle Gibbons's "Pennsylvania Dutch," Cobb's " Story of 
the Palatines," lieniheim's " History of tlie (German Settlements in North and South Caro- 
lina," and other works illustrate the part taken by (Jermans in the settlement of America. 
The number of Germans who came to Pennsylvania was especially large. Governor Thomas 
wrote, in 1747 : " The Germans of Pennsylvania are, I believe, three-fifths of the whole pop- 
ulation. They have, by their industry, been the principal instruments of raising the State to 
its present flourishing condition." The German immigration to the Lhiited States in the pres- 
ent century has been greater than that from any other country. 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH ^A^ORK, 
Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 



19 

dom, enforced only by what Milton calls •' the unresistible might of 
meekness,'" has been felt through two centuries, in the amelioration 
of penal severities, the abolition of slavery, the reform of the erring, 
the relief of the poor and suffering, — felt, in brief, in every step of 
human progress. But of the men themselves, with the single excep- 
tion of William Penn, scarcely anything is known. Contrasted, 
from the outset, with the stern, aggressive Puritans of New England, 
they hav^e come to be regarded as •• a feeble folk,"' with a personalitv 
as doubtful as their unrecorded graves. They were not soldiers, like 
Miles Standish ; they had no ligure so picturesque as Vane; no 
leader so rashly brave and haughty as Endicott. No Cotton Mather 
wrote their Magnalia ; they had no awful drama of supernaturalism. 
in which Satan and his angels were actors ; and the only witch men- 
tioned in their simple annals was a poor old Swedish woman, who, 
on complaint of her countrywomen, was tried and acquitted of every- 
thing but imbecility and folly. Nothing but commonplace offices of 
civility came to pass between them and the Indians. Indeed, their 
enemies taunted them with the fact that the savages did not regard 
them as Christians, but just such men as themselves. Yet it must 
be apparent to every careful observer of the progress of American 
civilization that its two principal currents had their sources in the 
entirely opposite directions of the Puritan and Quaker colonies. To 
use the words of a late writer : * ■' The Wstorical forces, with which 
no others may be compared in their i^uence on the people, have 
been those of the Puritan and the Quaker. The strength of the one 
was in the confession of an invisible Presence, a righteous, eternal 
Will, which would establish righteousness on earth ; and thence 
arose the conviction of a direct personal responsibility, which could 
be tempted by no external splendor, and could be shaken by no in- 
ternal agitation, and could not be evaded or transferred. The 
strength of the other was the witness in the human spirit to an eter- 
nal Word, an Inner Voice which spoke to each alone, while yet it 
spoke to every man ; a Light which each was to follow, and which 
yet was the light of the world : and all other voices were silent 
before this; and the solitary path, whither it led. was more sacred 
than the worn ways of cathedral aisles. "" 

It will be sufficiently apparent to the reader, that in the poem 
which follows [" The Pennsylvania Pilgrim ""] I have attempted 
nothing beyond a study of the life and times of the Pennsylvania 
colonist, — a simple picture of a noteworthy man and his locality. 
The colors of my sketch are all very sober, toned down to the quiet 
and dreamy atmosphere through which its subject is visible. 
Whether, in the glare and tumult of the present time, such a picture 
will find favor, may well be questioned. I only know that it has be- 
guiled for me some hours of weariness, and that, whatever may be 
its measure of public appreciation, it has been to me its own reward. 

*Mulford's " Nation,'" pp. 267, 268. 



20 



Francis Daniel Pastorius, the founder of Germantown, the combined Hrewster and Brad- 
ford of that famous German colony, was born in Franconia in 1651, the son of a judge. He 
was educated in the classical and modem languages and all the science of his age, and had 
entered upon the practice of law, when, having joined the Pietists, he concerted with his 
friends a plan for emigrating to Pennsylvania. Pastorius had formed the acquaintance of 
William Penn in P-ngland, and become a convert to his doctrines. He and his associates 
organized as the Frankfort Land Company, who, with some merchants of Crefeld, bought 
thirty or forty thousand acres in Pennsylvania; and in 1683 Pastorius conducted his colony 
of (Germans and Dutch thither, settling at Germantown. Until his death, in 1719, he was 
a man of great influence among the colonists. In 168.S he was one of the signers of a pro- 
test to the P'riends' meeting at Burlington against buying and selling slaves or holding men 
in slavery, which he pronounced " an act irreconcilable with the precepts of the Christian 
religion." This was the earliest protest against slavery in America, and is the subject of 
Whittier's poem, "The Pennsylvania Pilgrim," the introduction to which is printed in this 
leaflet. This beautiful and thoughtful poem of Whittier's, the result of much careful study 
by the poet, should receive careful study from the historical student. It performs for the 
(iermantown Pietists the service which Longfellow's "Courtship of Miles Standisii" per- 
forms for the Plymoutii Pilgrims, bringing tiieir simple life home to us as it is done nowhere 
else. Pastorius taught for many years in tiermantown and Philadelphia. His Latin pro- 
logue to the Germantown book of records has been translated by Whittier in the ode begin- 
ning " Hail to Posterity." He was a most prolific writer, upon all sorts of subjects, although 
most of his w^orks remain in manuscript. A complete account of them is given in Seiden- 
sticker's " P'irst Century of German Printing in America." His "(geographical Description 
of Pennsylvania," republished in the present leaflet, was a pamphlet, consisting in part of 
letters to his father, published at Frankfort and Leipzig in 1700. The English translation, 
here given, was published in the ' Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsylvania," vol. 
iv., Part II., 1850, and gave all of the original which was important. The statements in the 
early part especially must not be taken too seriously, as there is much that is unscientific, and 
the translation does not seem critical. 

Accounts of the (iermantown settlement and of the Germans in Pennsylvania will be 
found in the various histories of Pennsylvania. "The German Pietists of Provincial Penn- 
sylvania," by Sachse, contains many references to Pastorius. Chambers's "The Early Ger- 
mans of New Jersey," Phebe Earle Gibbons's "Pennsylvania Dutch,"' Cobb's " Story of 
the Palatines," Bemheim's " History of the (ierman Settlements in North and South Caro- 
lina," and other works illustrate the part taken by Germans in the settlement of America. 
The number of Germans who came to Pennsylvania was especially large. Ciovernor Thomas 
wrote, in 1747 : " The (iermans of Pennsylvania are, I believe, three-fifths of the whole pop- 
ulation. They have, by their industry, been the principal instruments of raising the State to 
its present flourishing condition." The German immigration to the United States in the pres- 
ent century has been greater than that from any other country. 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 




(&lh J^outl) %tantt0 



No. 96 



The Founding 
of 

New Sweden. 



Fro^[ t}ie " History of Xew Swed-en," my Israel Acreliu 



After that the magnanimous Genoese, Christopher Columbus, 
had, at the expense of f^rdinand, King of Spain, in the year 
1492, discovered the Western hemisphere, and the ilkistrious 
Florentine, Americus Vespucius, sent out by King Emanuel 
of Portugal, in the year 1502, to make a further exploration of 
its coasts, had had the good fortune to give the country his 
name, the European powers have, from time to time, sought to 
promote their several interests there. Our Swedes and Goths 
were the less backward in such expeditions, as they had always 
been the first therein. They had already, in the year 996 
after the birth of Christ, visited America, had named it Vin- 
land the Good, and also Skra;llinga Land, and had called its 
inhabitants "the Skraellings of Vinland." It is therefore ev- 
ident that the Northmen had visited some part of North 
America before the Spaniards and Portuguese went to South 
America. But the question is, What would have been thought 
about Vinland if no later discoveries had been made, and what 
they thought about it before the time of Columbus ■ 

Every region in America was discovered in its own separate 
time. Virginia was discovered in the year 1497 by Sebastian 
Cabot, a Portuguese, who was then the captain of an English 
ship. Its coasts were afterwards visited by those brave 
knights, Sir Francis Drake and Sir Walter Raleigh, the latter 
of whom called the land Virginia, after Queen Elizabeth of 
England, who lived unmarried. Under this name was in- 
cluded all the country stretching from Cape Florida to the St. 
Lawrence River, which was formerly called Florida, when sepa- 

That was done 



about the year 1584. Captain l)e la Ware, under the com- 
mand of the EngHsh Admiral James Chartiers,* was the first 
who discovered the bay in which the Indian river Poutaxat de- 
bouched, and gave his name, Delaware, to both the river and 
the bay, in the year i(.oo. These countries were repeatedly 
visited by the English : first by those sent out by Sir Walter 
Raleigh from Bristol, in the year 1603, and afterwards by Sir 
G. Popham and Captain James Davis, but little more was ac- 
complished than that they learned to know the people, erected 
some small places and forts, which, however, were soon de- 
stroyed by the savages. In the year 1606 a body of emigrants 
was sent to the northern regions, by two companies, called the 
London and the Bristol Companies. The former settled south- 
ward on the Chesapeake Bay ; the latter, on the Kennebeck, or 
Sagadahoc River. Each had its territorial rights secured by a 
patent. In the year 1620 a dispute arose between them about 
the fisheries at Cape Cod, when a new patent was given. The 
Bristol Company, which received an accession of some persons 
of rank and distinction, changed its name to that of the Plym- 
outh Council, and obtained a right to all the lands lying 
above the 40th degree up to the 48th degree of north latitude, 
which was three degrees farther north than the former grant, 
and included the greater part of Acadia, or New Scotland, 
and also extended westward from the Atlantic to the Pacific 
Ocean : all this was included in New England, The rest re- 
mained under Virginia. 

About the same time the Hollanders undertook to steal into 
these American harbors. They took a fancy to the shores of 
the bay called by the Indians Menahados, and the river Mo- 
haan.t Henry Hudson, an Englishman in the service of the 
Holland East India Company, had first discovered those 
places, and called the bay after his own name, Hudson's Bay. 
This East India Company, in the year 1608, sold its right to 
the country, which it based upon its priority of discovery, to 
some Hollanders. These obtained from the States-General of 
Holland an exclusive privilege (^p7''nulegium exchisiiniui) to the 
country, and took the name of " The West India Company of 

**|Acrelius has been led into this singular mistake by Canipanius, whom he here follows. 
Cartier (not Chartiers) was a French subject, and discovered the .St. Lawrence in 1534. Lord 
(not "captain'') De la Ware was appointed (lovernor of Virginia in 1610, and arrived at 
Jamestown on the loth of June of the same year. He i)robably entered the Delaware on his 
way to Virginia. The reader will notice various inaccuracies in these early pages.] 

tIKvidently, the Mohawk, although we do not anywhere else find that river so called. 
The connection would indicate the Hudson River, but that is never .so designated, but was 
called by the natives the Cohatatea or Oiogue.] 



Amsterdam.*' In the year 1610 they began to traffic with the 
Indians, and in the year 16 13 built a trading-post {inagaziii) at 
the place now called Albany, and in the following year placed 
some cannon there. Samuel Argall, the Governor of Virginia, 
drove them out in 1618 ; but King James 1. gave them permis- 
sion to remain, that their ships might obtain water there in 
their voyages to Brazil. From that time until 1623,* when the 
West India Company obtained its charter, their trade with the 
Indians was conducted almost entirely on shipboard, and they 
made no attempts to build any house or fortress until 1629. 
Now, whether that was done with or without the permission of 
England, the town of New Amsterdam was built and fortified, 
as also the place Aurania, Orange, now called Albany, having 
since had three general-governors, one after the other. But 
that was not yet enough. They wished to extend their power 
to the river Delaware also, and erected on its shores two or 
three small forts, which were, however, soon after destroyed by 
the natives of the country. 

It now came in order for Sweden also to take part in this 
enterprise. William Usselinx,t a Hollander, born at Antwerp 
in Brabant, presented himself to King Gustaf Adolph, and laid 
before him a proposition for a Trading Company, to be estab- 
lished in Sweden, and to extend its operations to Asia, Africa, 
and Magellan's Land (Terra Magellanica), with the assurance 
that this would be a great source of revenue to the kingdom. 
Full power was given him to carry out this important proj- 
ect ; and thereupon a contract of trade was drawn up, to which: 
the Company was to agree and subscribe it. Usselinx pub- 
lished explanations of this contract, wherein he also particu- 
larly directed attention to the country on the Delaware, its 
fertility, convenience, and all its imaginable resources. To 
strengthen the matter, a charter (octroy) was secured to the 
Company, and especially to Usselinx, who was to receive a 
royalty of one thousandth upon all articles bought or sold by 
the Company. 

The powerful king, whose zeal for the honor of God was not 
less ardent than for the welfare of his subjects, availed himself 
of this opportunity to extend the doctrines of Christ among the 
heathen, as well as to establish his own power in other parts' of 
the world. To this end, he sent forth Letters Patent, dated at 

*[Tlie West India Company obtained its charter June 3, 162 1.] 

t[As early as 1604 Usselinx, who was a merchant, proposed the formation of such a com- 
pany in Holland.] 



Stockholm on the 2d of July, 1626. wherein all, both high and 
low, were invited to contribute something to the Company, ac- 
cording to their means. The work was completed in the Diet 
of the following year, 1627, when the estates of the realm gave 
their assent, and confirmed the measure. Those who took part 
in this Company were: His Majesty's mother, the Queen Dow- 
ager Christina, the Prince John Casimir, the Royal Council, 
the most distinguished of the nobility, the highest officers of the 
army, the bishops and other clergymen, together with the burgo- 
masters and aldermen of the cities, as well as a large number of 
the people generally. The time fixed for paying in the subscrip- 
tions was the ist of May of the following year (1628). For the 
management and working of the plan there were appointed an 
admiral, vice-admiral, chapman, under-chapman, assistants, and 
commissaries ; also a body of soldiers duly officered. 

But when these arrangements were now in full progress, and 
duly provided for, the German war and the king's death oc- 
curred, which caused this important work to be laid aside. 
The Trading Company was dissolved, its subscriptions nullified, 
and the whole project seemed about to die with the king. But, 
just as it appeared to be at its end, it received new life. An- 
other Hollander, by the name of Peter Menewe, sometimes 
called Menuet,* made his appearance in Sweden. He had 
been in the service of Holland in America, where he became 
involved in difficulties with the officers of their West India 
Company, in consequence of which he was recalled home and 
dismissed from their service. But he was not discouraged by 
this, and went over to Sweden, where he renewed the repre- 
sentations which Usselinx had formerly made in regard to the 
excellence of the country and the advantages that Sweden 
might derive from it. 

Queen Christina, who succeeded t her royal father in the 
government, was glad to have the project thus renewed. The 
royal chancellor. Count Axel Oxenstierna, understood well how 
to put it in operation. He took the West India Trading Com- 
pany into his own hands, as its president, and encouraged 
other noblemen to take shares in it. King Charles I. of Eng- 
land had already, in the year 1634, upon representations made 

*[An autograph letter found in the royal archives in Stockholm gives the name as com- 
monly written in English, jMinuit.] 

t[Cl ristina succeeded her father, the great Gustaf Adolph, in 1632, when only six years of 
age, and the kingdom remained under a regency until she was eigliteen, in 1644. Consequently, 
s.lie was only eleven years of age in 1637, wlieii the American colony was established.] 



5 

to him by John Oxenstierna,* at that time Swedish ambassa- 
dor in London, renounced, in favor of the Swedes, all claims 
and pretensions of the English to that country, growing out of 
their rights as its first discoverers. Hence everything seemed 
to be settled upon a firm foundation, and all earnestness was 
employed in the prosecution of the plans for a colony. 

As a good beginning, the first colony was sent off ; t and 
Peter Menewe was placed over it, as being best acquainted in 
those regions. They set sail from Gotheborg, in a ship-of-war 
called the Key of Colmar, followed by a smaller vessel bearing 
the name of the Bird Griffin, both laden with people, provi- 
sions, ammunition, and merchandise, suitable for traffic and 
gifts to the Indians. The ships successfully reached their 
jDlace of destination. The high expectations which our emi- 
grants had of that new land were wtII met by the first views 
which they had of it. They made their first landing on the 
bay or entrance to the river Poutaxat, w'hich they called the 
river of New Sweden ; and the place where they landed they 
called Paradise Point. % 

A purchase of land was immediately made from the Indians ; 
and it was determined that all the land on the western side of 
the river, from the point called Cape Inlopen or Hinlopen.§ up 
to the fall called Santickan, and all the country inland, as 
much as was ceded, should belong to the Swedish crown for- 
ever. Posts were driven into the ground as landmarks, which 
were still seen in their places sixty years afterwards. A deed 
was drawn up for the land thus purchased. This was written 
in Dutch, because no Swede was yet able to interpret the lan- 
guage of the heathen. The Indians subscribed their hands 
and marks. The writing was sent home to Sweden to be pre- 
served in the royal archives. Mans Kling was the surveyor. 
He laid out the land and made a map of the whole river, with 
its tributaries, islands, and points, which is still to be found in 
the royal archives in Sweden. Their clergyman was Reorus 
Torkillus of East Gothland. 

The first abode of the newly arrived emigrants was at a 
place called by the Indians Hopokahacking. There, in the 

* [The brother of the great Chancellor.] 

t [In August, 1637.] 

f [In the neighborhood of what is now Lewes, in the State of Delaware.] 

§[Now Henlopen, according to O'Callaghan (History of New Netherlands, i. 73), origi- 
nally called '' Hiudlopeti"' by Captain Cornelius jMey, after a town of the same name in 
Friesland. Mey also ga\e his own name to the southern cape of New Jersey, which we now 
call Cape May. He visited the country about the year 1614.] 



year 1638, Peter Menuet built a fortress which he named Fort 
Christina, after the reigning queen of Sweden. The place, sit- 
uated upon the west side of the river, was probably chosen so 
as to be out of the way of the Hollanders, who claimed the 
eastern side, — a measure of prudence, until the arrival of a 
greater force from Sweden. The fort w^as built upon an eli- 
gible site, not far from the mouth of the creek, so as to secure 
them in the navigable water of the Maniquas, which was 
afcerwards called Christina Kihl, or creek. 

The country was wild and uninhabited by the Hollanders. 
They had had two or three forts on the river, — Fort Nassau, 
where Gloucester now^ stands, and another at Horekihl, down 
on the bay. But both of these were entirely destroyed by the 
Americans, and their occupants driven away. The following 
extract from the History of the New Netherlands, which 
Adrian van der Donck published in the year 1655, with the 
license and privilege as well of the States-General as of the 
West India Company, will serve as proof of what we have said.* 

" The place is called Hore-kihl,t but why so called we know 
not. But this is certain : that some years back, before the Eng- 
lish and the Swedes came hither, it was taken up and settled 
as a colony by Hollanders, the arms of the States being at the 
same time set up in brass. These arms having been pulled 
down by the villany of the Indians, the commissary there 
resident demanded that the head of the traitor should be de- 
livered to him. The Indians, unable to escape in any other 
way, brought him the head, which was accepted as a sufficient 
atonement of their offence. But some time afterwards, when 
we were at w^ork in the fields, and unsuspicious of danger, the 
Indians came as friends, surrounded the Hollanders with over- 
whelming numbers, fell upon them, and completely extermi- 
nated them. Thus was the colony destroyed, though sealed 
with blood, and dearly enough purchased." 

* Tlie author was more devoted to the honor and interests of his countrymen than to truth 
and justice. In the passage quoted he gives strong evidence directly the reverse of his inten- 
tion. He calls F^ort Nassau the tirst of the four fortresses of the Hollanders in America, 
which no one can understand. He speaks of the colony at Hore-kihl as quite considerable, 
although it consisted of very few persons who undertook to settle there, and although, 
twenty-eight years afterwards, when the whole river was under the government of the Hol- 
landers, they dared not erect there even a small fort, without having first, with great care, 
made the show of a purchase from the Indians. He makes Hore-Kihl like the Delaware in 
depth and size, which no one can notice without a smile. 

t[Horekill (variously written Horeskill, Hoarkill, and Whorekill) is, no doubt, a corrup- 
tion of Hoornkill, so called from Hoorn, a city in Holland, from which Captain Mey sailed 
upon his expedition to America, when he discovered, or made his first \asit, to the Delaware. 
Horekill was about two leagues from Cape Henlopen, and is probably the stream now cal.ed 
Lewis" Creek, in the State of Delaware] 



Notwithstanding all this, the Hollanders believed that they 
had the best right to the Delaware River ; yea, a better right 
than the Indians themselves. It was their object to secure at 
least all the land lying between said river and their city of New 
Amsterdam, where was their stronghold, and which country 
they once called "The New Netherlands." But, as their forces 
were still too weak, they always kept one or another of their 
people upon the east side of the river to watch those who 
might visit the country. As soon, therefore, as Menuet landed 
with his Swedish company, notice of the fact was given to the 
Director-General of the Hollanders in New Amsterdam. He 
waited for some time, until he could ascertain Menuet's pur- 
pose ; but, when it appeared that he was erecting a fortress for 
the Swedes, he sent him the following protest : — 

Thursday, May 6, 1638. 

" I, William Kieft, Director-General of the New Nether- 
lands, residing upon the island of Manhattan, in the Fort Am- 
sterdam, under the government belonging to the High and 
Mighty States-General of the United Netherlands, and the 
West India Company, chartered by the Council Chamber in 
Amsterdam, make known to you, Peter Menuet, who style your- 
self Commander in the service of Her Royal Majesty, the 
Queen of Sweden, that the whole South River of the New 
Netherlands, both above and below, hath already, for many 
years, been our property, occupied by our forts, and sealed 
with our blood, which was also done when you were in ser- 
vice in the New Netherlands, and you are, therefore, well aware 
of this. But whereas you have now come among our forts to 
build a fortress to our injury and damage, which we shall never 
permit; as we are also assured that Her Royal Majesty of 
Sweden has never given you authority to build forts upon our 
rivers and coasts, nor to settle people on the land, nor to traffic 
in peltries, nor to undertake anything to our injury : We do, 
therefore, protest against all the disorder and injury, and all 
the evil consequences of bloodshed, uproar, and wrong which 
our Trading Company may thus suffer : And that we shall pro- 
tect our rights in such manner as we may find most advisable." 
Then follows the usual conclusion. 

In his History of the New Netherlands, already cited, Adrian 
van der Donck likewise relates how protest was made against 
the building of Fort Christina ; but there, also, he gives evi- 



dence of the weakness of the Hollanders in the river, on the 
first arrival of the Swedes, and that their strength consisted 
almost entirely in great words. 

"On the river," he says, "lies, first, Maniqua's Kihl, where 
the Swedes have built Fort Christina, where the largest ships 
can load and unload at the shore. There is another place on 
the river called Schulkihl, which is also navigable. That, also, 
was formerly under the control of the Hollanders, but is now 
mostly under the government of the Swedes. In that river 
(Delaware) there are various islands and other places, formerly 
belonging to the Hollanders, whose name they still bear, which 
sufficiently shows that the river belongs to the Hollanders, and 
not to the Swedes. Their very commencement will convict 
them. Before the year 1638, one Minnewits, who had formerly 
acted as director for the Trading Company at Manhatans, 
came into the river in the ship Key of Cobnar, and the yacht 
called the Bird Griffiii. He gave out to the Hollander, Mr. 
van der Nederhorst, the agent of the West India Company m 
the South River, that he was on a voyage to the West India 
Islands, and that he was staying there to take in wood and 
water. Whereupon said Hollander allowed him to go free. 
But, some time after, some of our people going thither found 
him still there, and he had planted a garden, and the plants 
were growing in it. In astonishment we asked the reasons for 
such procedure, and if he intended to stay there. To which 
he answered evasively, alleging various excuses for his con- 
duct. The third time they found them settled and building a 
fort. Then we saw their purpose. As soon as he was in- 
formed of it, Director Kieft protested against it, but in vain." 

Thus Peter Menuet made a good beginning for the settle- 
ment of the Swedish colony in America. He guarded his 
little fort for over three years, and the Hollanders neither at- 
tempted nor were able to overthrow it. After some years of 
faithful service he died at Christina. In his place followed 
Peter Hollendare, a native Swede, who did not remain at the 
head of its affairs more than a year and a half. He returned 
home to Sv^-eden, and was a major at Skepsholm, in Stock- 
holm, in the year 1655. 

The second emigration took place under Lieutenant Colonel 
John Printz, who went out wdth the appointment of Governor 
of New Sweden. He had a grant of four hundred rix dollars 
for his travelling expenses, and one thousand two hundred dol- 



lars silver as his annual salary. The Company was invested 
with the exclusive privilege of importing tobacco into Sweden, 
although that article was even then regarded as unnecessary 
and injurious, although indispensable since the establishment 
of the bad habit of its use. Upon the same occasion was also 
sent out Magister John Campanius Holm, who was called by 
their excellencies the Royal Council and Admiral Claes Flem- 
ming, to become the government chaplain, and watch over the 
Swedish congregation. 

The ship on which they sailed was called the " Fama." It 
went from Stockholm to Gotheborg, and there took in its 
freight. Along with this went two other ships of the line, the 
S'loan and the Charitas, laden with people, and other neces- 
saries.^ Under Governor Printz, ships came to the colony in 
three distinct voyages. The first ship was the Black Cat, with 
ammunition, and merchandise for the Indians. Next, the ship 
.Sicmn, on a second voyage, with emigrants, in the year 1647. 
Afterwards, two other ships, called the Key and The Lamp, 
During these times the clergymen, Mr. Lawrence Charles 
Lockenius and Mr. Israel Holgh, were sent out to the colony. 

The instructions for the governor were as follows : — 

" Instructions,, according to ivhich Her Royal Majesty,, our Most 
Gracious Quee?i, luill have the Lieutenant Colonel,, notu also 
the appointed Governor over N'ew Sweden, the noble and 
ivell-born John Printz, to regulate himself as well during 
his voyage as upon his arrival in that country, GiveJi at 
Stockhohn, the \^th of August, 1642. 

•• Inasmuch as some of the subjects of Her Royal Majesty 
and of the crown of Sweden have, for some time past, un- 
dertaken to sail to the coasts of the West Indies, and have 
already succeeded in conquering and purchasing a consider- 
able tract of land, and in promoting commerce, with the 
especial object of extending the jurisdiction and greatness 
of Her Royal Majesty and of the Swedish crown, and have 
called the country New Sweden ; wherefore and inasmuch as 
Her Royal Majesty approves and finds this their undertaking 
and voyaging not only laudable in itself, but reasonable, and 
likely, in the course of time, to benefit and strengthen Her 
Royal ^lajesty and the Swedish throne : so has Her Royal 
Majesty, for the promotion of that work and for the assistance 
of those who participate therein, furnished them for the making 



10 

of that important voyage, and also for the confirming and 
strengthening of that important work thus begun in New- 
Sweden, for said voyage, two ships, named the Fama and the 
Swan^ as well as some other means necessary thereto, under a 
certain Governor, whom Her Majesty has provided with suffi- 
cient and necessary powers, having thereunto appointed and 
legitimated Lieutenant Colonel John Printz, whom she has, ac- 
cordingly, seen good to instruct upon the points following. 

" 2. The ships above named having proceeded to Gotheborg, 
John Printz, the Governor of New Sweden, shall now, without 
any delay, take his departure to said place, so arranging his 
journey by land that he may reach there by the first opportu- 
nity. Going down to Gotheborg, he shall assist in ordering 
and arranging everything in the best manner possible, and 
especially in accordance with the best regulations that the 
members of the company can have made ; and as concerns his 
own person, and that of his attendants, he shall so arrange his 
affairs that he may immediately, in the month of September 
next following, set sail from this country and proceed to sea. 

"3. But either before, or at the time when the ships are 
about to set sail from Gotheborg, the Governor shall consult 
with the skippers and officers of the ships, considering and de- 
ciding, according to the state of the wind and other circum- 
stances, whether he shall direct his course to the north of 
Scotland, or through the channel between France and England. 

" 4. Under way, and on the journey, he must see to it that 
the officers and people of the ships perform their duties at 
sea truly and faithfully ; and in all important and serious 
matters he can always avail himself of the aid and counsel of 
the persons aforesaid, who usually form the council of a ship ; 
he shall also have every important occurrence carefully noted, 
causing a correct log or journal thereof to be kept, of which, 
also, he shall, by every opportunity, send hither a correct copy. 

"5. The Governor, God wilhng, having arrived in New 
Sweden, he must, for his better information, bear in mind that 
the boundaries of the country of which our subjects have taken 
possession extend, in virtue of the articles of the contract en- 
tered into with the wild inhabitants of the country, as its right- 
ful lords, from the seacoast at Cape Hinlopen, upwards along 
the west side of Godin's Bay,* and so up the Great South 

♦[Usually written "Godyn's,"' Delaware Bay being so called by the HoUarders, after 
Samuel God}!!, who, in 1629^ received a patent for a large tract of land there as its patroon] 



1 1 

River,* onwards to Minque's Kil, where Fort Christina is 
built, and thence still farther along the South River, and up to 
a place which the wild inhabitants call Sankikans,t where the 
farthest boundaries of New Sweden are to be found. This 
tract or district of country extends in length about thirty (30) 
German miles ; but in breadth, and into the interior, it is, in 
and by the contract, conditioned that Her Royal Majesty's sub- 
jects, and the participants in this Company of navigators, may 
hereafter occupy as much land as they may desire. 

"6. Recently, and in the year last past — viz., 1641 — sev- 
eral English families, probably amounting to sixty persons in all, 
settled, and begun to build and cultivate the land elsewhere, 
namely, upon the east side of the above-mentioned South River, 
on a little stream named Ferken's Kil ; so have also the above- 
named subjects of Her Majesty, and participants in the Com- 
pan3% purchased for themselves of the wild inhabitants of the 
country the whole of this eastern side of the river, from the 
mouth of the aforesaid great river at Cape May up to a stream 
named Narraticen's Kil, which tract extends about twelve (12) 
German miles, including also the said Ferken's Kil, with the 
intention of thus drawing to themselves the English aforesaid. 
This purchase the Governor shall always, with all his power, 
keep intact, and thus bring these families under the jurisdic- 
tion and government of Her Royal Majesty and the Swedish 
crown ; especially as we are informed that they themselves are 
not indisposed thereto ; and should they be induced, as a free 
people, voluntarily to submit themselves to a government which 
can maintain and protect them, it is believed that they might 
shortly amount to some hundred strong. But, however that 
may be, the Governor is to seek to bring these English under 
the government of -.the Swedish crown, inasmuch as Her Royal 
Majesty finds it to be thus better for herself and the crown as 
partners in this undertaking ; and they might also, with good 
reason, be driven out and away from said place ; therefore Her 
Most Royal Majesty aforesaid will most graciously leave it to 
the discretion of Governor Printz so to consider and act in the 
premises as can be done with propriety and success, i 

^[The river Delaware.] 

t [Trenton Falls, ninety miles from the mouth of Delaware Baj'.] 

t [It is not known whence these English settlers came, or the precise time of their commg. 
Ferris, in his " History of the Original Settlements on the Delaware," says that it was in 
1640, and adds, " Some have supposed they were squatters from New Haven; some, adventur- 
ers from Maryland; and others, the pioneers of Sir Edmund Ployden." ] 



12 

"7- There is no doubt that the Holland West India Com- 
pany will seek to appropriate to themselves the place afore- 
said, and the large tract of land upon which the English have 
settled, and the whole of the above-named east side of the 
Great South River, and that so much the rather as their fort 
or fortification of Nassau, which they have manned with about 
twenty (20) men, is not very far therefrom, upon the same 
eastern side of the river ; just as they also make pretensions to 
the whole western side of the aforesaid South River, and, con- 
sequently, to all that of which our subjects aforesaid have 
taken possession, which they have seized, relying upon their 
Fort Nassau, w^hereby they would take possession of the whole 
South River, and of the whole country situated upon both sides 
of the same river. It is for this that they have protested 
against the beginning which her before-mentioned Majesty's 
subjects have made in settling and building ; and, so far as 
they could, have always opposed and sought to prevent our 
people from going up the South River and past their Fort 
Nassau. Therefore shall the Governor take measures for meet- 
ing the agents and participants of said Holland West India 
Company in a proper manner ; and with mildness, but firmly, 
remonstrate, and make known to them the upright intentions 
of Her Royal Majesty and her subjects in the premises, that 
nothing has herein been sought, or is now sought, other than a 
free opening for commerce ; that Her Royal Majesty's subjects 
have, in a just and regular manner, purchased of the proper 
owners and possessors of the country that district of which 
they have taken possession, and which they have begun to cul- 
tivate ; and that they cannot, therefore, without injustice, op- 
pose Her Royal Majesty or her subjects, or seek to disturb 
them in their possessions without doing them great injury. 
But should the same Holland Company, contrary to all better 
hopes, allow themselves to undertake any hostility, or make 
any attack, then, in such case, it will only be proper to be pre- 
pared with the best means that circumstances will allow, and 
so seek to repel force by force ; therefore, as this, like every- 
thing else, is best judged of and decided on the ground, so 
also does Her Royal Majesty place it in the Governor's discre- 
tion to meet such vexations, in the first instance, with kind 
admonitions, but, if these are not effective, then with severity, 
according to the best of his understanding, so as to arrange 
everything to the best advantage and honor alike of Her 



13 

Royal Majesty and the members of the Company. But if no 
such troubles arise, ^vhich it is hoped will be the case, and Her 
Royal Majesty and her subjects remain undisturbed in that 
which they have rightfully brought into their possession, then 
shall the Governor hold good friendship and neighborhood 
with the aforesaid Hollanders at Fort Nassau, and with those 
who dwell upon the North River at Mankatan's, or New Am- 
sterdam, as also with the English who dwell in the country of 
Virginia, and make no inroads upon any of them, nor interfere 
with that of which they are in the actual possession. Espe- 
cially, since the adjacent English in Virginia have already 
commenced to offer Her Royal Majesty's subjects in New 
Sweden all kinds of useful assistance, and to let them procure, 
upon reasonable payment, such cattle and seed-corn as they 
may desire ; therefore shall the Governor continually seek to 
give free and undisturbed course to the correspondence and 
commerce thus begun with the English, to the use and benefit 
of Her Royal Majesty's subjects aforesaid, 

"8. Those Hollanders who have emigrated to New Sweden, 
and settled there under the "protection of Her Royal Majesty 
and the Svv-edish crown, over whom Jost von dem Boyandh has 
command, the Governor shall treat, according to the contents 
of the charter and privileges conferred by Her Royal Majesty, 
of the principles whereof the Governor has been advised ; but 
in other respects he shall show them all good-will and kind- 
ness, yet so that he shall hold them also to the same, that they, 
also, upon their side, comply with the requisitions of their 
charter which they have received. And inasmuch as notice 
has already been given them that they have settled too near to 
Fort Christina, and as houses are said to be built at the dis- 
tance of almost three miles from that place, they should there- 
fore leave that place, and betake themselves to a somewhat 
greater distance from the said fort. So also does Her Royal 
Majesty leave it to the good pleasure and prudence of the 
Governor, when on the ground, duly to consider the deport- 
ment of said Hollanders and the situation of the place of 
which they have taken possession ; and, according to his judg- 
ment, either let them remain there quietly or make such a 
disposition and settlement of the matter as he shall find most 
suitable and advantageous to Her Royal Majesty and the par- 
ticipants in said Company of navigation. 

"9. The wild nations, bordering upon all other sides, the 



14 

Governor shall understand how to treat with all humanity and 
respect, that no violence or wrong be done to them by Her 
Royal Majesty or her subjects aforesaid ; but he shall rather, 
at every opportunity, exert himself that the same wild people 
may gradually be instructed in the truths and worship of the 
Christian religion and in other ways brought to civilization and 
good government, and in this manner properly guided. Espe- 
cially shall he seek to gain their confidence, and impress upon 
their minds that neither he, the Governor, nor his people and 
subordinates are come into those parts to do them any wrong 
or injury, but much more for the purpose of furnishing them 
with such things as they may need for the ordinary wants of 
life ; and so, also, for such things as are found among them 
which they themselves cannot make for their own use, or buy, 
or exchange. Therefore shall the Governor also see thereto that 
the people of Her Royal Majesty, or of the Company who are 
engaged in trading in those parts, allow the wild people to obtain 
such things as they need, at a price somewhat more moderate 
than they are getting them of the Hollanders at Fort Nassau, or 
the adjacent English ; so that said wild people may be with- 
drawn from them, and be so much the more won to our people. 

'' lo. In regard to the Governor's place of residence. Her 
Royal Majesty leaves it to him to provide and choose the same 
according as he finds the case to be in the place, or it can be 
continued where it now is, and the residence arranged and 
ordered in the most convenent manner possible; in like 
manner shall the Governor also provide a suitable place for a 
fortress, either at Cape Henlopen or the island called "James' 
Island," or wherever else a good site for the same may be 
found : wherein he has especially to keep in view these con- 
siderations above all others, namely, that by such a fortifica- 
tion it should be possible to close up the South River, having it 
commanded by the same fortress, and that there should also be 
found there, without great difficulty, a suitable harbor wherein 
the ships of Her Royal Majes.y and her subjects could be in 
security, and, if need so were, continue to lie there over winter. 

" II. And if the Governor does not find it necessary at once 
and hastily to fortify another new place, but can for the present 
properly defend himself by Fort Christina, then shall he so 
much the more zealously at once arrange and urge forward 
agriculture and the improvement of the land, setting and 
urging the people thereto with zeal and energy, exerting him- 



15 

self above all other things that so much seed-corn may be 
committed to the ground that the people may derive from it 
their necessary food. 

" 12. Next to this, he shall pay the necessary attention to the 
culture of tobacco, and appoint thereto a certain number of labor- 
ers, so arranging that the produce may be large, more and more 
being set out and cultivated from time to time, so- that he can 
send over a good quantity of tobacco on all ships coming hither. 

"13. That better arrangements may be made for the produc- 
tion of cattle, both great and small, the Governor shall at once 
exert himself to obtain a good breed of cattle of all kinds, and 
especially of that which is sent out from this country, and also 
seek to obtain a supply from the neighboring English, dividing 
everything with those who wall use and employ it in agriculture 
in exchange for seed, and with such prudence as he shall find 
most serviceable to the members of the Company. 

" 14. Among and above other things, he shall direct his at- 
tention to sheep, to obtain them of good kinds, and, as soon as 
may be, seek to arrange as .many sheep-folds as he conven- 
iently can, so that presently a considerable supply of wool of 
good quality may be sent over to this country. 

"15. The peltry-trade with the natives he shall, also, so far 
as possible, seek to sustain in a good state, exercise a careful 
inspection of all engaged in it, prevent all frauds in estab- 
lished commissions, and take care that Her Royal Majesty and 
her subjects, and the members of the Company, may have 
reason to expect good returns for their cargoes. In like 
manner, he shall provide that no other persons whatever be 
permitted to traffic with the natives in peltries ; but this trade 
shall be carried on only by persons thereto appointed in the 
name of the whole Company, and in its ways. 

" 16. Whatever else it may at present be necessary to do in 
that country will be best committed to the hands of the Gov- 
ernor in the country, according to the circumstances of the 
time and place ; more especially as the same land of New 
Sweden is situated in the same climate with Portugal; so, 
apparently, it is to be expected that salt-works might be ar- 
ranged on the sea coasts. But, if the salt could not be perfectly 
evaporated by the heat of the sun, yet, at the least, the salt water 
might be brought to such a grade that it might afterwards be per- 
fectly condensed by means of fire, without great labor or expense : 
which the Governor must consider, and make such experiment, 
and, if possible, put it into operation and make it effective. 



i6 

" 17. And, as almost everywhere in the forests wild grape- 
vines and grapes are found, and the climate seems to be favor- 
able to the production of wine, so shall the Governor also di- 
rect his thoughts to the timely introduction of this culture, and 
what might herein be devised and effected. 

" 18. He can also have careful search made everywhere as 
to whether any metals or minerals are to be found in the 
country, and, if any are discovered, send hither correct infor- 
mation, and then await further orders from this place. 

" 19. Out of the abundant forests, the Governor shall exam- 
ine and consider how and in what manner profit may be de- 
rived from the country ; especially what kind of advantages 
may be expected from oak-trees and walnut-trees, and whether 
a good quality of them might be sent over here as ballast. So 
also it might be examined whether oil might not be advantage- 
ously pressed out of the walnuts. 

" 20. The Governor shall likewise take into consideration 
and correctly inform himself how and where fisheries might be 
most profitably established ; especially as it is said that at a 
certain season of the year the whale fishery can be advantage- 
ously prosecuted in the aforesaid Gpdin's Bay, and adja- 
cently ; he shall therefore have an eye upon this and send over 
hither all needed information as to what can be done in this 
and other matters connected with the country, and what further 
hopes may be entertained in reference thereto. 

''21. The Governor shall also carefully inquire and inform 
himself in regard to the food and convenience for keeping a 
great number of silkworms, wherewith a manufacture might be 
established; and, if he discovers that something useful might 
thus be accomplished, he shall take measures for the same. 

"22. Whatever else could be done in connection with the 
successful cultivation of the land, but cannot be introduced just 
for the present, this Her Royal Majesty will graciously have en- 
trusted to the fidelit\', foresight, and zeal of the Governor, with 
the earnest command and admonition that he seek in all mat- 
ters to uphold the service and dignity of Her Royal Majesty 
and the crown of Sweden, as also to promote the advantage and 
interest of the members of the Company, in the conservation 
of the same land of New Sweden, its culture in every way pos- 
sible, and the increase of its profitable commerce. 

" 23. But, far above all this, as to what belongs to the politi- 
cal government and administration of justice, everything of 



this kind must be conducted under the name of Her Royal 
Majesty and the crown of Sweden, for no less reason than that 
the country enjoys the protection of Her Ro3'al Majesty and of 
the crown, and that the interest of the crown is in the highest 
degree involved in the protection of that country, its cultivation, 
and active trade and commerce. To give the Governor spe- 
cific information herein cannot so well and effectually be done 
at so great a distance ; it must therefore be left to his own dis- 
cretion and good sense that he upon the ground provide, ar- 
range, and execute whatever conduces to bring matters into 
good order and a proper constitution, according as he finds the 
necessities of the time and place to require. At first, and until 
matters can be brought into a better form, the Governor may 
use his own seal, but in a somewhat larger form, in briefs, con- 
tracts, correspondence, and other written documents of a 
public character. 

"24. He shall decide all matters of controversy which may 
arise, according to Swedish law and right, custom and usage ; 
but in all other matters, also, so far as possible, he shall adopt 
and employ the laudable customs, habits, and usages of this 
most praiseworthy realm. 

"25. He shall also have power, through the necessary and 
proper means of compulsion, to bring to obedience and a quiet 
life the turbulent and disorderly, who will not live quietly and 
peacefully, and especially gross offenders, who may possibly 
be found ; he may punish, not only with imprisonment and the 
like duly proportioned means of correction, but, also, accord- 
ing to their misdeeds or crimes, with the loss of life itself, yet 
not in any other than the usual manner, and after the proper 
hearing and consideration of the case, w'ith the most respecta- 
ble people and the most prudent associate judges who can be 
found in the country as his counsellors. 

"26. Above all things, shall the Governor consider and see 
to it that a true and due worship, becoming honor, laud, and 
praise be paid to the Most High God in all things, and to that 
end all proper care shall be taken that divine service be zeal- 
ously performed, according to the unaltered Augsburg Confes- 
sion, the Council of Upsala, and the ceremonies of the Swedish 
Church ; and all persons, but especially the young, shall be 
duly instructed in the articles of their Christian faith : and all 
good church discipline shall, in like manner, be duly exercised 
and received. But so far as relates to the Holland colonists 



that live and settle under the government of Her Royal Majesty 
and the Swedish crown, the Governor shall not disturb them 
in the indulgence granted them as to the exercise of the Re- 
formed religion according to the aforesaid Royal Charter. 

"27. In all else which cannot here be set down in writing, 
the Governor shall conduct himself as is suitable and becoming 
to a faithful patriot, and take into due consideration whatever 
is correspondent to his office, according to the best of his 
understanding and with the greatest zeal and care, also regu- 
lating himself in accordance with that which may be here com- 
municated to him by word of mouth ; and there is herewith 
given him a special list of the people who accompany him, and 
of the means and equipment of his office. 

" 28. Finally, Her Royal Majesty is also well satisfied that 
the said office of his government shall continue and exist for 
three years, after the lapse of which he, the said John Printz, 
shall be free to return hither again, after the necessary arrange- 
ments have been made in regard to his successor, or some sub- 
stitute in the said service. Should he, the said John Printz, 
have a desire to continue longer in this charge, he shall have 
the preference over others therefor, provided that the advan- 
tage and service of Her Majesty and the crown, and of the 
Company, so demand. Given as above. 

" Paehr Brake, Herman Wrangel, 

Claes Flemming, Axel Oxenstierna, 
Gabriel Bengtsson Oxensteirna.* 

And. Gyllenklou." f 

The voyage to New Sweden was at that time quite long. 
The watery way to the West was not yet well discovered, and, 
therefore, for fear of the sand-banks off Newfoundland, they 
kept their course to the east and south as far as to what were 
then called the Brazates.J The ships which went under the 
command of Governor Printz sailed along the coast of Port- 
ugal, and down the coast of Africa, until they found the 
eastern passage, then directly over to America, leaving the 

* [These five names are historical. They formed at that time the Swedisli Council of 
State, who carried on the government immediately after the death of Gustavus Adolphus and 
during tiie minority of his daughter Christina, who was not quite six years old at the time of 
her father's death (Nov. 6, 1632), and, conseqently, in her seventeenth year at the date of this 
document. She ascended the throne as actual sovereign on her eighteenth birthday; namely, 
Dec. 'i, 1644. The Swedish colony in America was, undoubtedly, the work, of the great 
Chancellor Axel Oxenstiern, though first suggested by Gustavu? Adolplius.] 

t [Gyllenklou was secretary of the Council.] 

J [The Azores?] 



Canaries* high up to the north. They landed at Antigua, 
then continued their voyage northward, past Virginia and 
Maryland, to Cape Hinlopen. Yet, in view of the astonish- 
ingly long route which they took, the voyage was quick enough 
in six months' time, — from Stockholm on August i6, 1642, to 
the new fort of Christina, in New Sweden, on February 15, 1643. 

The Swedes who emigrated to America belonged partly to a 
trading company, provided with a charter, who, for their ser- 
vices, according to their condition or agreement, were to 
receive pay and monthly wages ; a part of them also went at 
their own impulse to try their fortune. For these it was free 
to settle and live in the country as long as they pleased or to 
leave it, and they were therefore, by way of distinction from 
the others, called freemen. At first, also, malefactors and 
vicious people were sent over, who were used as slaves to labor 
upon the fortifications. They were kept in chains and not al- 
lowed to have intercourse with the other settlers ; moreover, a 
separate place of abode was assigned to them. The neighbor- 
ing people and country were dissatisfied that such wretches 
should come into the colony. It was also, in fact, very objec- 
tionable in regard to the heathen, who might be greatly of- 
fended by it. Whence it happened that, when such persons 
came over in Governor Printz's time, it was not permitted that 
oue of them should set foot upon the shore, but they had all to 
be carried back again, whereupon a great part of them died 
during the voyage or perished in some other way. Afterwards 
it was forbidden at home in Sweden, under a penalty, to take 
for the American voyage any persons of bad fame ; nor was 
there ever any lack of good people for the colony. 

Governor Printz was now in a position to put the govern- 
ment upon a safe footing to maintain the rights of the Swedes, 
and to put down the attempts of the Hollanders. They had 
lately, before his arrival, patched their little Fort Nassau. On 
this account he selected the island of Tenackong as his resi- 
dence, which is sometimes also called Tutaeaenung and Ten- 
icko, about three Swedish miles from Fort Christina. The 
convenient situation of the place suggested its selection, as 
also the location of Fort Nassau, t which lay some miles over 

*[If they sailed due west to Antigua, tiiey must liave gone down south to the latitude of 
the Cape de Verde Islands.] 

t [Fort Nassau was built near the mouth of Timber Creek, below Gloucester Point in 
New Jersey. It is said to ha\'e been built by Cornelius Mey, in 1623 ; but when visited by 
De Vries, ten years afterward (Jan. 5, 1633), it was in the possession of the Indians, among 
whom he was afraid to land. We have no evidence that the fort was reoccupied by the Dutch 
before the establishment of the Swedish colony in 1638. 



20 

against it, to which he could thus command the passage by 
water. The new fort^ which w^as erected and provided with 
considerable armament, was called New Gotheborg. His 
place of residence, which he adorned with orchards, gardens, 
a pleasure-house, etc., he named Printz Hall. A handsome 
wooden church was also built at the same place, which Ma- 
gister Campanius consecrated, on the last great prayer-day 
which was celebrated in New Sweden, on the 4th of Sep- 
tember, 1646. Upon that place also all the most prominent 
freemen had their residences and plantations. 



Rev. Israel Acrelius, from whose " History of New Sweden" the account of the found- 
ing of New Sweden given in the present leaflet is taken, was provost over the Swedisli con- 
gregations in America and pastor of the church at Christina from 1749 to 1736. The greater 
part of his book, a large work of over four hundred pages, is devoted to the later history of 
the Swedes on the Delaware ; but the first part contains the most complete and accurate 
account of the settlement whicii had been until that time (1759) published. His work was 
translated by Rev. William M. Reynolds, with many additional notes, and published in the 
" Memoirs of the Historical Society of Pennsyh-ania," vol. xi. (1874). 

Half a century before Acrelius wrote, in 1702, Thomas Campanius Holm published his 
" Short Description of the Province of New Sweden." The writer was a grandson of the 
Rev. Joiian Campanius Holm, who accompanied Governor Printz to New Sweden; and his 
work, which was enriched by maps and drawings, has great historical value. It was trans- 
lated by Peter S. Du Ponceau, LL.D., and published in tlie "Memoirs of the Historical 
Society of Pennsylvania,'' vol. iii., Part I., 1834. 

The chapter on New Sweden in the " Narrative and Critical History of America," \ol. 
iv., the best general account, was written by Gregory B. Keen; and his bibliography is very 
valuable. There is much relating to New Sweden in the histories of Delaware and Pennsyl- 
vania ; and Bancroft and the various general American histories detail briefly the fortunes of 
the colony down to 1655, when Peter Stuyvesant sailed into the Delaware from New Amster- 
dam, witli a force of si.\ hundred men and more, and took possession for Holland. "Such 
was the end of New Sweden, the colony that connects our country with (nistavus Adolphus 
and the nations that dwell on the Gulf of Bothnia." 



PUBLISHED BY 

THE DIRECTORS OF THE OLD SOUTH WORK, 
Old South Meeting-house, Boston, Mass. 



i93, 








iWMi^Mi^ 




